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Judicial Watch Files Brief Asking the Supreme Court To Require Maryland Gerrymandering Challenge Case in the Fourth Circuit To Follow Three-Judge Court Act

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re-posted from Parentadvocates.org:

Judicial Watch Files Amicus Brief Asking Supreme Court To Require Fourth Circuit to Follow Three-Judge Court Act in Maryland Gerrymandering Challenge
 
Tom Fitton
LINK

Contact: Jill Farrell, Judicial Watch, 202-646-5188

WASHINGTON, Aug. 28, 2015 /Standard Newswire/ --Judicial Watch announced today that it filed an amicus curiae brief with the U.S. Supreme Court asking the court to affirm the Three-Judge Court Act, a law requiring three federal judges to be empaneled to hear key federal lawsuits concerning redistricting, voting rights, and other key constitutional issues. In contravention of the Three-Judge Court Act, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit allowed a single judge to rule on a critical Maryland gerrymandering case (Stephen M. Shapiro, et al., v. David J. McManus, Jr., Chairman, Maryland State Board of Elections, et al. (No. 14-990)). Judicial Watch filed the amicus brief on August 14, 2015.

The Three-Judge Court Act requires that three-judge panels must hear all constitutional challenges to legislative redistricting unless, according past Supreme Court rulings, a case is "obviously frivolous,""essentially fictitious,""wholly insubstantial," or "obviously without merit."

In 2013, the Fourth Circuit departed from this precedent, determining that a single judge could decide not to convene a three-judge panel if he determined the case was not "plausible." The Fourth Circuit applied the same standard in its 2014 ruling against Shapiro and fellow plaintiffs John Benisek, and Maria Pycha.

In November 2013, Shapiro, Benisek, and Pycha sued Maryland state officials alleging that the 2011 congressional districts established by the Maryland General Assembly violated their constitutional rights. When the District Court dismissed the suit, the plaintiffs appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. In October 2014, a single Fourth Circuit Court judge upheld the District Court ruling, denying the plaintiffs an oral hearing before a three-judge panel. In February 2015, the plaintiffs filed a Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the U.S. Supreme Court which the Supreme Court granted in June 2015.

Judicial Watch has particular interest, as it represents several Maryland voters in a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of Maryland's gerrymandered congressional district maps. Judicial Watch's amicus brief argues that:

(T)he Fourth Circuit's ruling violates the Three-Judge Court Act and will allow states to delay judicial review of gerrymandered redistricting plans that disenfranchise voters and violate the Constitution. Moreover, on June 24, 2015, Judicial Watch filed a new constitutional challenge to Maryland's redistricting plan on behalf of several plaintiffs. See Parrott v. McManus, No. 1:15-cv-01849 (D. Md.). The plaintiffs have asked for a three-judge panel in Parrott, but no such panel has been convened yet, and a motion to dismiss is currently pending before the single judge initially assigned to the case.

MORE: www.judicialwatch.org/press-room/press-releases/judicial-watch-files-amicus-brief-asking-supreme-court-to-require-fourth-circuit-to-follow-three-judge-court-act-in-maryland-gerrymandering-challenge/

Amicus Curiae

Judicial Watch Files Amicus Brief Asking Supreme Court To Require Fourth Circuit to Follow Three-Judge Court Act in Maryland Gerrymandering Challenge
AUGUST 28, 2015

(Washington, DC) – Judicial Watch announced today that it filed an amicus curiae brief with the U.S. Supreme Court asking the court to affirm the Three-Judge Court Act, a law requiring three federal judges to be empaneled to hear key federal lawsuits concerning redistricting, voting rights, and other key constitutional issues. In contravention of the Three-Judge Court Act, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit allowed a single judge to rule on a critical Maryland gerrymandering case (Stephen M. Shapiro, et al. v. David J. McManus, Jr., Chairman, Maryland State Board of Elections, et al. (No. 14-990)). Judicial Watch filed the amicus brief on August 14, 2015.

The Three-Judge Court Act requires that three-judge panels must hear all constitutional challenges to legislative redistricting unless, according past Supreme Court rulings, a case is “obviously frivolous,” “essentially fictitious,” “wholly insubstantial,” or “obviously without merit.”

In 2013, the Fourth Circuit departed from this precedent, determining that a single judge could decide not to convene a three-judge panel if he determined the case was not “plausible.” The Fourth Circuit applied the same standard in its 2014 ruling against Shapiro and fellow plaintiffs John Benisek, and Maria Pycha.

In November 2013, Shapiro, Benisek, and Pycha sued Maryland state officials alleging that the 2011 congressional districts established by the Maryland General Assembly violated their constitutional rights. When the District Court dismissed the suit, the plaintiffs appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. In October 2014, a single Fourth Circuit Court judge upheld the District Court ruling, denying the plaintiffs an oral hearing before a three-judge panel. In February 2015, the plaintiffs filed a Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the U.S. Supreme Court, which the Supreme Court granted in June 2015.

Judicial Watch has a particular interest, as it represents several Maryland voters in a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of Maryland’s gerrymandered congressional district maps. Judicial Watch’s amicus brief argues that:

The Fourth Circuit’s ruling violates the Three-Judge Court Act and will allow states to delay judicial review of gerrymandered redistricting plans that disenfranchise voters and violate the Constitution. Moreover, on June 24, 2015, Judicial Watch filed a new constitutional challenge to Maryland’s redistricting plan on behalf of several plaintiffs. See Parrott v. McManus, No. 1:15-cv-01849 (D. Md.). The plaintiffs have asked for a three-judge panel in Parrott, but no such panel has been convened yet, and a motion to dismiss is currently pending before the single judge initially assigned to the case.

Judicial Watch points out that the Fourth Circuit’s circumvention of federal law results in “an allocation of authority” to one federal court judge that “cannot be squared with Congress’s judgment—recognized by this Court and others—that apportionment challenges and other types of three-judge cases are too important to be decided in the first instance by a single judge. Nor is the difference between one and three judges merely a formality.”

Congress intended redistricting and other constitutional challenges under laws such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to be heard under the “exceptional procedure” of a special three-judge panel. In 1976, Congress specifically tried to ensure that redistricting cases were handled by such panels in order “to assure more weight and greater deliberation by not leaving the fate of such litigation to a single judge. By instead using motions to dismiss to limit access to three-judge courts, the Fourth Circuit has turned the Three-Judge Court Act’s purpose and framework on its head.”

The Three-Judge Court Act allows appeals from the three judge panels to go directly to the Supreme Court, bypassing the federal Circuit Courts of Appeals. This statute assures a more speedy resolution to this important class of cases, which is undermined by the Fourth Circuit’s rule, especially in redistricting cases (which impact both federal and state elections):

And when the clock is always counting down towards the next election, such a delay can control whether the alleged constitutional violation can be remedied or if it is something that a state’s voters simply must swallow.

The 2013 lawsuit by Shapiro, Benisek, and Pycha came in response to a Congressional Districting Plan signed into law by then-Gov. Martin O’Malley in October 2011. Critics at the time charged that the new congressional map was specifically designed to enhance the power of select incumbents while minimizing the voting power of minorities, rural voters and Republicans. The Washington Post editorialized: “The map, drafted under Mr. O’Malley’s watchful eye, mocks the idea that voting districts should be compact or easily navigable. The eight districts respect neither jurisdictional boundaries nor communities of interest. To protect incumbents and for partisan advantage, the map has been sliced, diced, shuffled and shattered, making districts resemble studies in cubism.”

Earlier this year, when the Supreme Court was deciding whether to take up the Three-Judge Court Act challenge, Judicial Watch filed the only amicus brief. The Supreme Court agreed with Judicial Watch and the petitioners and granted cert. on June 8, 2015.

“The Supreme Court should affirm the Three-Judge Court Act and remind the Fourth Circuit that the federal courts are not above the law,” said Judicial Watch President Tom Fitton. “The Fourth Circuit subverts the law by allowing one judge inordinate power to effectively decide whether voters can challenge how a state draws congressional and state legislative districts. The Supreme Court should now check this judicial legislating that makes it harder for voters to vindicate their constitutional rights.”

Judicial Watch is working with attorneys Meir Feder and Rajeev Muttreja of the Jones Day law firm, who prepared and filed this amicus brief on Judicial Watch’s behalf.

Judicial Watch first entered the Maryland redistricting battle on August 10, 2012, when it represented MDPetitions.com and Delegate Neil Parrott in its successful lawsuit to block a move by the state’s Democrat party to have an Election Day voter referendum on the state’s controversial gerrymandering plan removed from the ballot. Three weeks later, Judicial Watch again represented Delegate Parrott in filing a complaint against Maryland Secretary of State John McDonough and the State Board of Elections challenging the misleading language of the wording of the ballot question. The current constitutional challenge to the Maryland gerrymander is pending in federal court (Parrott, et al, v. Lamone, et al (No. 1:15-cv-01849).

Read more about gerrymandering, Maryland, Maryland redistricting

Sheldon Silver's Lawyers Try To Limit Testimony At Trial

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Public corruption for the length of time and the extent to which Mr. Silver's use of his powerful position to gain financial rewards for himself was exposed needs to reach throughout the New York State dens of inequity.

No limits!!!

Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, accused of taking $4M in bribes, kickbacks, says he 'will be vindicated'

Lawyers for Silver seek to limit corruption testimony at extortion trial

LINK

Former New York State Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, right, exits Federal Court in Manhattan after being re-arraigned on new charges on Tuesday, April 28, 2015. Silver was arraigned on additional corruption charges. Photo Credit: Charles Eckert

Lawyers for former Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver asked a federal judge in a motion filed Friday to limit at his upcoming extortion trial any testimony about corruption cases against other legislators or the reasons for creating the now-defunct Moreland Commission on Albany ethics.
"Lumping Mr. Silver together with other prosecuted New York legislators runs the obvious risk of guilt by association," Silver's lawyers told Manhattan U.S. District Judge Valerie Caproni. "The Government seeks to paint Mr. Silver as merely the latest example of a long line of corrupt Albany politicians, implying that Mr. Silver must be corrupt because of his job."

Democrat Silver, 71, is scheduled to go on trial in November on charges that he used his legislative power in two schemes to generate $4 million in kickbacks in the form of fees from law firms he was affiliated with. He stepped down as speaker, but still represents an Assembly district in Manhattan.
 
SEE ALSORead the complaint vs. Silver
SEE ALSOEditorial: Reform Albany

Silver's lawyers said the government wants to put in Silver's comments, while speaker, on corruption cases against five ex-legislators, including Senate leader Joe Bruno, Sen. Carl Kruger and Assemb. William Boyland, as evidence to show Silver knew the legal limits on outside income for legislators.
They said prosecutors also claim they need to put in evidence of widespread corruption in Albany as a backdrop to Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo's creation of the Moreland Commission, because Silver allegedly took steps to conceal his outside income from the commission before it was dissolved.
"Evidence about that allegation requires no proof about Governor Cuomo's motives in forming the Commission, any historical events that may have informed those motives, and -- most certainly -- sordid (and often unproven) allegations about misconduct by other specific legislators," argued lawyers Joel Cohen and Steven Molo.
 
The lawyers also asked the judge to keep out evidence of $200,000 in campaign contributions from a company he helped, and a letter he wrote questioning the property tax assessment of the Manhattan housing complex where he lived, calling both matters irrelevant.
A spokesman for Manhattan U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara had no comment on the filing.

Former New York State Assemblyman William Scarborough, Who Resigned After Pleading Guilty To Federal Corruption, is Sentenced To 13 Months in Prison

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 Another NY State politician hits the dust. Albany was, and is, a free-for-all cesspool of corruption.

Betsy Combier

William Scarborough, Ex-New York Assemblyman, Is Sentenced to 13 Months

LINK

 
ALBANY — William Scarborough, a former state assemblyman from Queens, was sentenced on Monday to 13 months in prison after he admitted submitting at least $40,000 in false expense vouchers for days he did not actually travel to Albany.

Mr. Scarborough, who pleaded guilty and resigned in May, was ordered to pay $54,355 in federal penalties and forfeit the same amount to the state.

Hours after his federal sentencing, Mr. Scarborough, 69, was sentenced in state court for taking $38,000 in unauthorized cash withdrawals from his campaign fund for personal use. As part of a deal with prosecutors, the one-year prison sentence handed down there will be served at the same time as his federal sentence, meaning that Mr. Scarborough will not have to serve longer than 13 months.

At both court appearances, Mr. Scarborough apologized for what he said was his own “stupidity.”

Mr. Scarborough, a Democrat who was first elected in 1994, will begin serving his sentence in November and said he planned to work on behalf of the community when he is released.

“I intend to be a better person,” he said. “My goal is to be the person that I thought I was.”

The conviction is another black eye for a state government that has seen its two top lawmakers indicted on federal corruption charges within the past year. Since 1999, more than 30 state lawmakers have been forced from office because of convictions for or allegations of ethical misconduct.

“It is a sad day when an elected official is sentenced to prison,” said Richard S. Hartunian, the United States attorney for the Northern District of New York, whose office worked on the case with the state attorney general, Eric T. Schneiderman, and the state comptroller, Thomas P. DiNapoli, both Democrats. “Sadly, some legislators confuse their public service with self-service.”

Of 198 expense vouchers totaling $147,400 filed by Mr. Scarborough from 2009 to 2012, 174 were found to contain false information, according to prosecutors. The vouchers included claims for some overnight stays in Albany when the lawmaker was actually in Georgia and at home in Queens.

In an earlier statement, Mr. Scarborough, whose district includes parts of Jamaica and nearby communities, said he was unable to keep up with bills despite taking a second job at a college and was angry that lawmakers had not had a raise in their $79,500 salary in 16 years.

Mr. Scarborough faced 10 to 16 months in prison under federal sentencing guidelines.

Several dozen people, including former constituents, filed letters with the court on Mr. Scarborough’s behalf describing his accomplishments as a legislator. Judge Stephen W. Herrick of Albany County Court said the letters showed that Mr. Scarborough had accomplished some good in public service.

“It’s obvious you represented your constituents well,” Judge Herrick said. “But you also betrayed those constituents.”

 

Assemblyman Sheldon Silver's Sordid Past Deeds Keep Popping Up

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Sheldon Silver leaving Court January 2015

Everyone knew about Assemblyman Sheldon Silver's backroom politics, and no one did anything until Preet Bharara stepped in.


A 2011 episode isn’t part of Sheldon Silver’s corruption indictment, but prosecutors
want to use it to support their case. CreditNathaniel Brooks for The New York Times


Sheldon Silver, Former Assembly Speaker, Helped Developer Block Methadone Clinic’s Relocation, U.S. Says


LINK
When a methadone clinic sought to relocate to Manhattan’s financial district in 2011, parents, local business owners and others rallied in opposition. Perhaps the most prominent opponent was Sheldon Silver, then the powerful speaker of the State Assembly who represented that neighborhood.

“I made it clear to everyone involved that this does not seem to be an appropriate location for this facility,” Mr. Silver said in a statement released at the time.

But what Mr. Silver did not reveal then, federal prosecutors said in court papers filed last week, was that a real estate developer who owned a building near the proposed location had asked him for his help in blocking the project — and that Mr. Silver had a secret interest in providing such assistance.

Mr. Silver, prosecutors said in the filing, was receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in illegal payments disguised as referral fees from a law firm to which he had steered some of the developer’s legal business.

 
Mr. Silver, 71, a Democrat from the Lower East Side, is scheduled for trial on Nov. 2 on corruption charges in Federal District Court in Manhattan. Prosecutors say he abused his official position to obtain nearly $4 million in illicit payments through two law firms, including one that received the developer’s business. The developer has been identified as Glenwood Management.

The clinic episode is not cited in the indictment against Mr. Silver. But the office of Preet Bharara, the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, asked in the filing that Judge Valerie E. Caproni allow the government to present it in support of its case.

Mr. Silver, who was forced to step down as speaker after his arrest in January, has pleaded not guilty to charges that include extortion under color of official right and honest services fraud.

Mr. Silver’s lawyers have not yet responded in court papers to the government’s claims about Mr. Silver’s role in the clinic real estate deal.

Steven F. Molo, one of Mr. Silver’s lawyers, said on Monday, “Mr. Silver served his constituents and the people of the state of New York well in connection with that matter and committed no crime.”

A lawyer for Glenwood Management did not respond on Monday to a message seeking comment.

Mr. Bharara’s office said in its filing that in November 2011, after the state’s Office of Alcoholism and Substance Abuse Services had tentatively approved the clinic’s move to 90 Maiden Lane, near one of Glenwood’s buildings, the developer requested Mr. Silver’s assistance “to prevent such clinic from opening.”

Prosecutors say that Mr. Silver responded by “intervening with the relevant state agency and further advocating against” the clinic’s opening.

When the clinic’s proposed relocation became public, it drew sharp criticism in the community, and Mr. Silver said at the time that he arranged for the clinic to make a presentation, which occurred before a committee of Community Board No. 1 in Lower Manhattan.

Catherine McVay Hughes, the community board’s current chairwoman who was then its vice chairwoman, recalled in an interview on Monday that the meeting, held on Dec. 7, 2011, was “packed with parents and local business people.”

Among people’s objections was that the clinic had not notified the board in advance of the proposal, and that the location was too close to a school for young children. One resident presented petitions with 600 signatures in opposition that were collected over just a few days, Ms. Hughes recalled.

“This was a hot-button issue,” she said.

Ron Vlasaty, then the chief operating officer of Gramercy Park Services, the clinic’s operator, said on Monday that the company had proceeded with the location because it believed it had the state’s “blessing.”

But one day after Mr. Vlasaty appeared before the community meeting and saw the extent of the opposition, he said, the company withdrew its application.

After the project was dropped, a Glenwood Management lobbyist drafted a letter to the residents of the firm’s nearby building, praising Mr. Silver’s “outstanding efforts,” the government said in its filing.




“Assemblyman Silver sprung into action as soon as it was revealed that this application was pending,” the letter said.

Two years later, a proposal was made for another substance abuse center on Maiden Lane near that same Glenwood Management building.

 “I thought Shelly killed this damn thing?!” a Glenwood representative wrote in an email that prosecutors attached to their filing.

“We need to kill this again,” a lobbyist for the company responded, the government said.

The substance abuse center did not relocate to the Maiden Lane address, the government said in its filing, which does not state whether Mr. Silver played a role in blocking it.

Thomas Kaplan contributed reporting.
 

The Hillary Clinton Huma Abedin Scandal

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Huma Abedin
Judicial Watch: New Documents Show Hillary Clinton Signed Off on Special Government Employment Job for Huma Abedin

Contact: Jill Farrell, Judicial Watch, 202-646-5188
LINK

WASHINGTON, Sept. 25, 2015 /Standard Newswire/ -- Judicial Watch released new State Department records today that reveal former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton personally signed the authorization for Huma Abedin, her the then-deputy chief of staff, to become a special government employee.

Anthony Weiner

The records also show that Abedin declined to provide complete information about her husband Anthony Weiner's financial dealings. The records were uncovered as a result of a court order in a Judicial Watch Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit that seeks records about the controversial employment status of Abedin (Judicial Watch v. U.S. Department of State (No. 1:13-cv-01363)). The records show Abedin used a clintonemail.com account to communicate about her special status.

In February 2014, the State Department assured Judicial Watch that it had searched several individual offices of the department, including the office of the executive secretary, which would have included the offices of the secretary of State and top staff. Relying upon the State Department's misrepresentation that the agency conducted a reasonable search, Judicial Watch agreed to dismiss its lawsuit on March 14, 2014. Judge Emmet Sullivan reopened the lawsuit on June 19, 2015, in response to revelations about Clinton's separate email system.

The newly uncovered documents show that Clinton personally signed the form for Abedin's appointment as a Special Government Employee/ senior advisor to Clinton on March 23, 2012. The position description form details that Hillary Clinton certifies that Abedin's "position is necessary to carry out Government functions for which I am responsible." The Obama State Department blacked out Clinton's signature on the form, allegedly to protect Clinton's privacy.

The documents also include details about Abedin's "expert" position, which evidently also required a continued top secret clearance:

As a Senior Advisor (Expert) to the Secretary, the incumbent will provide expert advice and guidance on varying issues related to the planning of logistical arrangements for foreign and domestic missions, and for the coordination of the foreign policy requirements, press, and protocol and security components necessary for a successful and sensitive foreign policy mission.

The documents raise questions about whether Abedin's new position complied with federal law that prevents special government positions created for work already performed by current employees. On June 4, 2012, Abedin states "NO, MY NEW POSITION IS IDENTICAL TO MY OLD POSITION." Abedin also expressed concern in March 2012 about the State Department's finally paying for her travel from New York. In a March 27, 2012, email about her "conversion to expert appointment," Abedin writes:

Have a few questions. One is time sensitive, I need to come down to state tomorrow. Can state start paying for my travel since ny is now my base? I've been paying personally for the last 6 months. Thanks.

The records show that there was a rush to appoint Abedin to the position, which was initially set to begin on April 1, 2012. When Abedin was finally approved in June 2012, she had failed to provide her husband Anthony Weiner’s financial information, despite repeated requests from the State Department.

In a March 21, 2012, email, Cynthia Motley, administrative officer in the State Department, writes to Abedin requesting the financial disclosure information

Huma, I have been advised to begin the process to convert you from your Non-Career SES position as Senior Adviser (Expert-SGE) in the Office of the Secretary which is to be effective April 1, 2012. In order to initiate the conversion appointment, I will need to following from you as soon as possible:

The attached SF-278 Financial Disclosure Report must be completed for your termination from the Non-Career SES appointment.

On April 3, 2012, in a response to Motely, Abedin begins what turns out to be a lengthy period of non-compliance:

Anthony filed his separate disclosures last june. Nothing has changed. I don’t need to include his stuff on mine, right? Just want to confirm Thanks!

On April 4, Motley again advises Abedin that Weiner’s assets must be disclosed:

I have confirmed with the Legal Office that his assets are imputed to you so his assets are reportable on your OGE-278 which should include all of 2011 and 2012 up to the date.

In May 2012, after Abedin has still failed to file the required discloses, Sarah Taylor, the chief of the DOS Financial Disclosure Division, is forced to enter contact Abedin in an email marked “Importance: High:”

I have your termination OGE-278 report and the financial disclosure report for the Senior Advisor position. While reviewing your termination OGe-278, I noticed your spouse had several assets that weren’t reported on your report. Can you kindly provide an end of year summary statement so that I can update your report accurately?

After months of non-productive wrangling, Abedin was appointed to the SGE position on June 3, 2012, without having submitted the proper financial disclosure documents for Weiner, as indicated in a June 22 email from Taylor to Marcela Green of the DOS Financial Disclosures Division:

Yes, she (Abedin) was supposed to give me some information regarding her spouse’s assets and she has not done so.

Another email suggests that as of August, 29, 2013, Abedin still hadn’t provided the required financial information.

In a June 6, 2012 email, Abedin admits, “I don’t really know (Weiner’s) clients or his work.” This email chain discloses that Abedin had already been cleared for the “other position.”

The State Department produced these records after performing a second search of State Department offices. The first search, conducted in early 2014, produced only eight pages.

This same litigation saw the development of the FBI and Justice Department rejecting an order by Judge Sullivan to produce information about searching for records on the server and other material reportedly taken from Mrs. Clinton. As Judicial Watch responded in a court filing this week:

We still do not know whether the FBI… has possession of the email server that was used by Mrs. Clinton and Ms. Abedin to conduct official government business… We also do not know whether the server purportedly in the possession of the FBI – an assumption based on unsworn statements by third parties – is the actual email server that was used by Mrs. Clinton and Ms. Abedin to conduct official government business… Nor do we know whether any copies of the email server or copies of the records from the email server exist.

“These documents show the Huma Abedin received special treatment contrary to law and that Hillary Clinton personally approved a corrupt patronage position,” said Judicial Watch President Tom Fitton. “These new documents are smoking gun evidence of what Hillary Clinton’s separate email server was all about – keeping secret the corruption of her and her top staff. What else is out there?”

Politico reported that, since June 2012, Abedin had been double-dipping, working as a consultant to outside clients while continuing as a top adviser at State. Abedin’s outside clients included Teneo, a strategic consulting firm co-founded by former Bill Clinton counselor Doug Band. According to Fox News, Abedin earned $355,000 as a consultant to Teneo, in addition to her $135,000 SGE compensation.

Teneo describes its activities as providing “the leaders of the world’s most respected companies, nonprofit institutions and governments with a full suite of advisory solutions.” (Emphasis added) Outside of the U.S., it maintains offices in Dubai, London, Dublin, Hong Kong, Brussels, Washington, and Beijing. Teneo was also the subject of various investigative reports, including by the New York Times, which raise questions about its relationship with the Clinton Foundation. Today, Politico reports that other State Department documents show Abedin was asked to help both the Foundation and Teneo in April 2012.

When Are False, Defamatory Statements of Fact Actually Nonactionable Statements of Opinion?

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ELLIOT M. GROSS, APPELLANT, v. THE NEW YORK TIMES COMPANY, ET AL., RESPONDENTS.
https://www.law.cornell.edu/nyctap/I93_0205.htm
82 N.Y.2d 146, 623 N.E.2d 1163, 603 N.Y.S.2d 813 (1993).
October 21, 1993

1 No. 178 [1993 NY Int. 205]
Decided October 21, 1993



This opinion is uncorrected and subject to revision before publication in the New York Reports.

Howard M. Squadron, for Appellant.
Floyd Abrams, for Respondents New York Times, et al.
Submitted by Philip Mandel, for Respondent Ehrenreich.



TITONE, J.:

This dispute has its origin in a series of investigative reports published by defendant New York Times between January of 1985 and February of 1986. The articles in question charged plaintiff, the former Chief Medical Examiner of the City of New York, with having mishandled several high profile cases and having used his authority to protect police officers and other city officials from suspicion after individuals in their custody had died under questionable circumstances. Defendants' articles spawned four separate criminal investigations into plaintiff's conduct, each of which terminated with findings that there was no evidence of professional misconduct or criminal wrongdoing by plaintiff. Plaintiff thereafter commenced the present action for libel. The issue at this early, pre-answer stage of the litigation is whether plaintiff's pleadings sufficiently allege false, defamatory statements of fact rather than mere nonactionable statements of opinion. We hold that plaintiff's complaint, which encompasses actionable assertions of fact as well as nonactionable opinions and conclusions, is sufficient to withstand a motion to dismiss under CPLR 3211(a)(7).

I.

Plaintiff's fifty-nine page complaint cites essentially eight "false and defamatory" articles as the basis for his libel action. The first article in the series, which was published on January 27, 1985 under defendant Philip Shenon's byline, was entitled "Chief Medical Examiner's Report in Police Custody Cases Disputed" and had, as a sub-headline, "Cover-Ups Charged in Autopsies and Some Deaths - Gross Denies 'Misleading" in Any Instance." The opening two paragraphs asserted that, as the City's Chief Medical Examiner, plaintiff had "produced a series of misleading or inaccurate autopsy reports on people who died in custody of the police, according to colleagues in the Medical Examiner's office and pathologists elsewhere." Further, according to the article, plaintiff had "instituted a policy of special handling for police-custody cases," had "performed the autopsies himself" in many such cases and "[i]n others, documents show[,] he intervened to alter the findings of other pathologists." What follows is a series of assertions about plaintiff's actions in connection with several specific cases, including that of "a Brooklyn man who neighbors say was beaten by police officers" and that of Eleanor Bumpurs, "the 66-year old woman who was shot to death * * * by police officers trying to evict her."[n 1]

The article, which also discussed the purported disarray in the Medical Examiner's office, reported on interviews conducted with several pathologists, who both described and characterized plaintiff's specific actions in relation to cases handled by the Medical Examiner's office. One pathologist who had worked with plaintiff asserted for example, that, in the case of the man who had allegedly been beaten by the police, plaintiff had changed the autopsy findings to state that death had resulted from a procedure performed by doctors after the incident rather than from a fractured skull. The pathologist was then quoted as asserting: "What Gross has done is bend over backwards to help the police" and "[i]t's weaseling." Another pathologist, who had not worked with plaintiff but who had been asked to review some of the disputed autopsy findings, was quoted as saying: "If he has done these cases honestly, Dr. Gross is unbelievably incompetent"; "[i]f he has done them deliberately -- and I believe he has -- he may well be looking for a way out for the police." The tenor of the other articles cited in plaintiff's complaint was similar, with quotes from documents and individuals describing plaintiff's specific actions, disagreeing with his medical conclusions and drawing conclusions about his motives. The overall thrust of the series was that plaintiff had issued false or misleading reports about deaths occurring within his jurisdiction in order to protect the police and that his conduct ranged from "highly suspicious" (article published February 5, 1985) to "possibly illegal" (article published January 28, 1985).

Before discovery had begun, defendants moved to dismiss the libel claims in plaintiff's complaint, arguing that the articles on which it was based conveyed only the opinion of its staff and their interviewees and were therefore not actionable.[n 2]The trial court agreed with defendants' position and on June 10, 1991 granted the requested relief.

The Appellate Division affirmed the trial court's determination, stressing that the "articles complained of report accusatory opinions together with a recitation of the facts upon which they are based" and that "[e]specially when attributed to a source, the average reader will recognize that criticisms, allegations and accusations are not statements of fact but rather expressions of opinion" (180 AD2d 308, 316). The court also rejected plaintiff's contention that the articles could not be characterized as protected opinion to the extent that they suggested he was guilty of criminal wrongdoing. In the court's view, the allegations that plaintiff had "lied" in his professional conclusions regarding the causes of death in controversial cases and had "covered up" for misconduct by City police officers were too "[v]ague" to "amount to accusations of criminal misconduct" (id., p 317). This Court subsequently granted plaintiff leave to appeal from the Appellate Division's order. We now reverse and hold that the complaint should have been sustained, since, in addition to the expressed opinions and conclusions, the articles contain defamatory assertions that a reasonable reader would understand to be advanced as statements of fact.

II.

At the core of the dispute in this case is the much discussed distinction between expressions of opinion, which are not actionable, and assertions of fact, which may form the basis of a viable libel claim. The distinction has been the subject of considerable analysis and legal evolution in recent years (see, e.g., Milkovich v Lorain Journal Co., 497 US 1; Immuno AG. v Moor-Jankowski, 77 NY2d 235, cert denied __ US __, 111 S Ct 2261; Steinhilber v Alphonse, 68 NY2d 283). Indeed, we revisited the question ourselves just one year ago (600 West 115th St. Corp. v Von Gutfeld, 80 NY2d 130). Nonetheless, as the opinions below and the parties' submissions illustrate, there remain many unanswered questions and areas of uncertainty in this developing field of libel law.

The underlying principles are not in dispute. The Supreme Court's decision in New York Times Co. v Sullivan (376 US 254) injected a constitutional dimension into what had previously been regarded as a matter of state common law. In that case and others (e.g., Philadelphia Newspapers, Inc. v Hepps, 475 US 767; Curtis Publishing Co. v Butts, 388 US 130; see also,Gertz v Robert Welch, Inc, 418 US 323), the Court delineated the increased burden of proof that libel plaintiffs in the public arena must bear in order to assure the "'unfettered interchange of ideas'" that is so necessary to the continued vitality of a government "'responsive to the will of the people'" (New York Times Co. v Sullivan, supra, p 269, quoting Roth v United States, 354 US 476, 484, and Stromberg v California, 283 US 359, 369). Additionally, in Greenbelt Cooperative Publishing Assn. v Bresler (398 US 6, 12), the Court recognized that there are constitutional restrictions on the "permissible scope" of defamation actions and, specifically, that evident "rhetorical hyperbole" is simply not actionable (see,Milkovich v Lorain Journal Co,, supra, p 16; see also, Hustler Magazine, Inc. v Falwell, 485 US 46, 50; Letter Carriers v Austin, 418 US 264, 284-286).

The focus in this appeal, which involves a pre-answer dispute over the sufficiency of the complaint, is whether the articles published by defendants fall into a category that is actionable and, more specifically, whether the articles constitute the type of opinion statements that cannot, under the case law, form the basis of a defamation claim. While the Supreme Court has rejected the notion that there is a special categorical privilege for expressions of opinion as opposed to assertions of fact, it has recognized that "a statement of opinion relating to matters of public concern which does not contain a provably false factual connotation will receive full constitutional protection" (Milkovich v Lorain Journal Co., supra, pp 17-21). Further, this Court has adopted a similar view under our own State Constitution and has embraced a test for determining what constitutes a nonactionable statement of opinion that is more flexible and is decidedly more protective of "the cherished constitutional guarantee of free speech" (Immuno AG. v Moor-Jankowski, supra, p 256; see, 600 West 115 St. Corp. v Gutfeld, supra, p 145).

The dispositive inquiry, under either federal or New York law, is "whether a reasonable [reader] could have concluded that [the articles] were conveying facts about the plaintiff" (600 West 115th St. Corp. v Gutfeld, supra, p 139). Since falsity is a necessary element of a defamation cause of action and only "facts" are capable of being proven false, "it follows that only statements alleging facts can properly be the subject of a defamation action" (id.; accord, Immuno AG. v Moor-Jankowski, supra, p 254). In our State the inquiry, which must be made by the court (see, 600 West 115th St. v Von Gutfeld, supra, p 139; Steinhilber v Alphonse, supra, p 290), entails an examination of the challenged statements with a view toward (1) whether the specific language in issue has a precise meaning which is readily understood; (2) whether the statements are capable of being proven true or false; and (3) whether either the full context of the communication in which the statement appears or the broader social context and surrounding circumstances are such as to "'signal * * * readers or listeners that what is being read or heard is likely to be opinion, not fact'" (Steinhilber v Alphonse, supra, p 292; quoting Ollman v Evans, 750 F2d 970, 983, cert denied 471 US 1127; accord, Immuno AG. v Moor-Jankowski, supra).

This is not to suggest that the wisdom to be derived from the formerly utilized common-law analysis has been completely discarded. To the contrary, although the terminology may have fallen out of favor, the seasoned common-law categories for actionable and nonactionable reportage have been invoked to inform our modern constitutional analysis (Immuno AG. v Moor-Jankowski, supra, p 250; see, e.g., James v Gannett Co., 40 NY2d 415; Julian v American Business Consultants, 2 NY2d 1; see also, Steinhilber v Alphonse, supra, p 293).

Thus, in determining whether a particular communication is actionable, we continue to recognize and utilize the important distinction between a statement of opinion that implies a basis in facts which are not disclosed to the reader or listener (see, Hotchner v Castillo-Puche, 551 F2d 910, 913, cert denied sub nom. Hotchner v Doubleday & Co., 434 US 834; Restatement [Second] of Torts § 566), and a statement of opinion that is accompanied by a recitation of the facts on which it is based or one that does not imply the existence of undisclosed underlying facts (see, Ollman v Evans, supra, p 976;Buckley v Littell, 539 F2d 882, 893, cert denied 429 US 1062; Restatement [Second] of Torts § 556 comment c). The former are actionable not because they convey "false opinions" but rather because a reasonable listener or reader would infer that "the speaker [or writer] knows certain facts, unknown to [the] audience, which support [the] opinion and are detrimental to the person [toward] whom [the communication is directed]" (Steinhilber v Alphonse, supra, p 290). In contrast, the latter are not actionable because, as was noted by the dissenting opinion in Milkovich v Lorain Journal Co.(supra, pp 26-27, p 28 n3 [Brennan, J.]), a proffered hypothesis that is offered after a full recitation of the facts on which it is based is readily understood by the audience as conjecture (see, e.g., Potomac Valve & Fitting, Inc. v. Crawford Fitting Co., 829 F2d 1280, 1290). Indeed, this class of statements provides a clear illustration of situations in which the full context of the communication "'signal[s] * * * readers or listeners that what is being read or heard is likely to be opinion, not fact'" (Steinhilber v Alphonse, supra, p 292; quoting Ollman v Evans, supra, p 983).

III.

Applying these principles to plaintiff's cause is not a simple task because plaintiff's pleadings cite the whole series of articles, each in its entirety, as the basis for plaintiff's defamation claim. Obviously, not every word and assertion in the disputed articles is false or defamatory. Some of the actions and words attributed to plaintiff undoubtedly did take place. Furthermore, many of the objective assertions made in this series of many thousand words are uncontroversial and are therefore not the proper subject for a defamation action.

We conclude, however, that the courts below erred in dismissing the complaint, since the articles it cited contain many assertions of objective fact that, if proven false, could form the predicate for a maintainable libel action. Additionally, although the articles contain many assertions that would be understood by the reasonable reader as mere hypotheses premised on stated facts, there are also actionable charges made in the articles -- such as the charges that plaintiff engaged in cover-ups, directed the creation of "misleading" autopsy reports and was guilty of "possibly illegal" conduct -- that, although couched in the language of hypothesis or conclusion, actually would be understood by the reasonable reader as assertions of fact (see, Rinaldi v Holt, Rinehart & Winston, Inc., 42 NY2d 369, 382).

Contrary to the Appellate Division's conclusion, these assertions are not too vague to constitute concrete accusations of criminality. Nonetheless, we hold them to be actionable not, as plaintiff would have it, because they involve accusations of criminality per se, but rather because in this context they convey "facts" that are capable of being proven true or false. Although plaintiff repeatedly suggests otherwise, there is simply no special rule of law making criminal slurs actionable regardless of whether they are asserted as opinion or fact.

In Silsdorf v Levine (59 NY2d 8, 16, cert denied 464 US 831), we merely held that an accusation of criminality that, read in context, is set forth as a fact is not transformed into a nonactionable expression of opinion merely because it is couched "in the form of an opinion." To illustrate, if the statement "John is a thief" is actionable when considered in its applicable context, the statement "I believe John is a thief" would be equally actionable when placed in precisely the same context. By the same token, however, the assertion that "John is a thief" could well be treated as an expression of opinion or rhetorical hyperbole where it is accompanied by other statements, such as "John stole my heart," that, taken in context, convey to the reasonable reader that something other than an objective fact is being asserted. Indeed, it has already been held that assertions that a person is guilty of "blackmail,""fraud,""bribery" and "corruption" could, in certain contexts, be understood as mere, nonactionable "rhetorical hyperbole" or "vigorous epithets" (see, e.g., Greenbelt Pub. Assn. v Bresler, supra, p 14; 600 W. 115th Street Corp. v Gutfeld, supra, pp 143-145).

Similarly, even when uttered or published in a more serious tone, accusations of criminality could be regarded as mere hypothesis and therefore not actionable if the facts on which they are based are fully and accurately set forth and it is clear to the reasonable reader or listener that the accusation is merely a personal surmise built upon those facts. In all cases, whether the challenged remark concerns criminality or some other defamatory category, the courts are obliged to consider the communication as a whole, as well as its immediate and broader social contexts, to determine whether the reasonable listener or reader is likely to understand the remark as an assertion of provable fact (600 W. 115th Street Corp. v Von Gutfeld; see, Immuno AG. v Moor-Jankowski, 77 NY2d 235, supra).

In this case, the assertion that plaintiff engaged in "corrupt" conduct in his capacity as Chief Medical Examiner cannot be treated as a mere rhetorical flourish or the speculative accusation of an angry but ill-informed citizen made during the course of a heated debate (see, 600 West 115th Street Corp. v Von Gutfeld, supra). Rather, the accusation was made in the course of a lengthy, copiously documented newspaper series that was written only after what purported to be a thorough investigation. Having been offered as a special feature series rather than as coverage of a current news story, the disputed articles were calculated to give the impression they were "the product of some deliberation, not of the heat of the moment" (id., p 142). Moreover, since the articles appeared in the news section rather than the editorial or "op ed" sections, the common expectations that apply to those more opinionated journalistic endeavors were inapplicable here (see,Immuno AG. v Moor-Jankowski, supra). Thus, the circumstances under which these accusations were published "encourag[ed] the reasonable reader to be less skeptical and more willing to conclude that the[y] stat[ed] or impl[ied] facts" (600 W. 115th Street Corp. v Von Gutfeld, supra, p 142).

In closing, we stress once again our commitment to avoiding the "hypertechnical parsing" of written and spoken words for the purpose of identifying "possible 'facts'" that might form the basis of a sustainable libel action (Immuno AG. v Moor-Jankowski, supra, p 256). The core goal of "exercises" such as this is to protect the individual's historic right to vindicate reputation without impairing our "cherished constitutional guarantee of free speech" (id.) or casting a pall over citizens' ability to engage in robust debate through the print and broadcast media. In this case, the reputation of a public official with significant professional credentials was allegedly impaired by a series of widely read newspaper articles that portrayed him as unethical and corrupt. Under the circumstances of his case, we conclude that this individual should be permitted to go forward in an effort to establish a right to a libel recovery. The defendants' expressional rights as well as the cherished values embodied in the First Amendment guarantees can be adequately protected in this context by the well-established rule requiring that plaintiff prove not only that the statements he cites are false and defamatory but also that they were made with actual malice. As this Court has previously observed, compliance with the latter requirements is a matter that is well suited to testing, at least in the first instance, on a motion for summary judgment brought pursuant to CPLR 3212 (see, Immuno AG. v Moor-Jankowski, supra, p 256; Karaduman v Newsday, Inc., supra, p 545).

Accordingly, the order of the Appellate Division, insofar as appealed from, should be reversed, with costs, and the motion of the Times defendants to dismiss causes of action one through five and eight through thirteen of the complaint denied.

F O O T N O T E S

1. For a review of the factual background of the Bumpurs case, see People v Sullivan, 68 NY2d 495.[return to text]

2. The dismissal motion at issue in this appeal is the one made by The New York Times, Philip Shenon, Sam Roberts, A.M. Rosenthal and Peter Milones, all of whom are affiliated with defendant newspaper. An earlier dismissal motion by the other named defendants was granted by the trial court. The trial court also dismissed plaintiff's sixth, seventh, fourteenth and fifteenth causes of action against the New York Times defendants. Those dismissals are not being challenged on this appeal.[return to text]

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Order, insofar as appealed from, reversed, with costs, and motion of the "Times defendants" to dismiss causes of action 1 through 5 and 8 through 13 of the complaint denied. Opinion by Judge Titone. Chief Judge Kaye and Judges Simons, Hancock and Bellacosa concur. Judges Smith and Levine took no part.

Anthony Wendel Fredericks, Sr., and Two Contractors Are Charged With Theft From the Local 657 of the Laborers International Union of North America (LIUNA)

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Department of Justice
Office of Public Affairs

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Wednesday, October 28, 2015

Former Business Manager and Two Contractors Charged with Theft from Labor Union, Unlawful Labor Payments, Fraud and Money Laundering

A former business manager of the Local 657 of the Laborers International Union of North America (LIUNA) and two building contractors were charged today with stealing from Local 657 and related offenses. 
Assistant Attorney General Leslie R. Caldwell of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division, Assistant Director in Charge Paul M. Abbate of the FBI’s Washington Field Office, Special Agent in Charge Steven D. Anderson of the Department of Labor-Office of Inspector General’s Office of Labor Racketeering and Fraud Investigations’ Washington, D.C., Regional Office and District Director Mark Wheeler of the Department of Labor’s Office of Labor Management Standards’ Washington, D.C., District Office made the announcement. 

Anthony Wendel Frederick Sr., 49, of Upper Marlboro, Maryland, was charged with one count of theft from a labor organization, one count of receiving unlawful labor payments, wire fraud and one count of money laundering Gary Amoes Cooper, 56, of Upper Marlboro, and Christopher Andrew Kwegan, 58, of Randallstown, Maryland, each also were charged with one count of theft from a labor organization, one count of payment unlawful labor payments, wire fraud and several counts of money laundering.  Cooper and Kwegan own STS General Contracting of Greenbelt, Maryland.  All three defendants are in custody and are scheduled to have their initial appearance at 1:45 p.m. EDT today before U.S. Magistrate Judge G. Michael Harvey of the District of Columbia. 
LIUNA is a labor organization that represents laborers in the construction industry.  LIUNA’s Local 657 represents construction laborers in Washington, D.C., and five adjacent counties.  For approximately 10 years, until June 2014, Frederick served as the business manager for Local 657.
The indictment alleges that, from May 2013 to June 2014, Frederick directed more than $1.7 million in Local 657 funds to STS Contracting without the knowledge or authorization of the Local 657 Executive Board or officials in the LIUNA International. 

 Specifically, according to the indictment, in June 2014, a routine audit of the local union by LIUNA revealed that Frederick had paid nearly $1.1 million to STS Contracting for minimal renovations at the Local 657 administrative building.  In addition, the indictment alleges that, without authorization, Frederick directed over $580,000 in Local 657 funds to STS Contracting for expediting permits for the construction of a new training center for Local 657, which expediting had previously been handled by another construction firm.  According to the indictment, the LIUNA auditor also discovered that Frederick grossly overpaid STS Contracting for expediting various permits, including $20,000 to expedite a $143 excavation permit, and more than $20,000 to renew existing permits, which could have been accomplished online for approximately $250 apiece.
The indictment further alleges that Cooper and Kwegan used the stolen Local 657 funds to make a down payment of $225,000 on a home purchased by Frederick and to pay for the construction of a three-car garage on the property, and directed more than $600,000 to a corporation owned in part by Frederick’s wife.  In addition, Cooper and Kwegan allegedly depleted a company bank account, which primarily contained stolen Local 657 funds, by withdrawing more than $500,000 in cash, sending hundreds of thousands of dollars to third parties in Qatar, and using the remainder for personal items, entertainment, shopping trips, hotel stays and overseas travel.

The charges and allegations contained in an indictment are merely accusations.  The defendants are presumed innocent until and unless proven guilty.

The case is being investigated by the FBI and the Department of Labor.  The case is being prosecuted by Trial Attorney Vincent Falvo of the Criminal Division’s Organized Crime and Gang Section.


Malicious Prosecution and Title 18, Section 242

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Judge Marcus D. Gordon
The New York Times has an interesting article on going after misconduct by
law enforcement officials. I hope this is the start of a new trend.

Betsy Combier
Editor, Courtbeat


How to Prosecute Abusive Prosecutors



WHEN it comes to poor people arrested for felonies in Scott County, Miss., Judge Marcus D. Gordon doesn’t bother with the Constitution. He refuses to appoint counsel until arrestees have been formally charged by an indictment, which means they must languish in jail without legal representation for as long 
as a year.

There are many words to describe the judge’s blunt disregard of the Sixth Amendment right to counsel. Callous. Appalling. Cruel. Here’s another possibility: criminal — liable to prosecution and, if found guilty, prison time.Judge Gordon has robbed countless individuals of their freedom, locking them away from their loved ones and livelihoods for months on end. (I am the lead lawyer in a class-action suit filed by the American Civil Liberties Union against Scott County and Judge Gordon.) In a recent interview, the judge, who sits on the Mississippi State Circuit Court, was unapologetic about his regime of indefinite detention: “The criminal system is a system of criminals. Sure, their rights are violated.” But, he added, “That’s the hardship of the criminal system.”

There are many words to describe the judge’s blunt disregard of the Sixth Amendment right to counsel. Callous. Appalling. Cruel. Here’s another possibility: criminal — liable to prosecution and, if found guilty, prison time.

If this notion seems radical, it shouldn’t. Federal law already provides a mechanism to prosecute judges and district attorneys as criminals when they willfully deprive people of their civil rights: Title 18, Section 242, of the federal code.

This isn’t some dusty, rarely used legal tool. The Department of Justice typically wields Section 242 against police and correctional officers accused of physical or sexual violence. But Section 242 applies with equal force to those who prosecute and sentence, the state officials whose deliberate skirting of civil rights can be most devastating.

At least, that’s how it is on paper. The federal government has not in recent memory pursued a judge under Section 242, and it has only rarely enforced this law against prosecutors.

It is absolutely essential to bring rogue law enforcement officers to justice, particularly in a post-Ferguson world in which violations of constitutional rights have come under intense scrutiny. However, the government’s focus on abuses by law enforcement officials leaves the burden of curbing abuse by judges and prosecutors to private individuals.

This is a responsibility few lawyers are willing to accept, in large part because the United States Supreme Court has made pursuing a civil case against a prosecutor or judge practically impossible.

Consider the case of John Thompson, who spent 14 years on death row for a murder he didn’t commit because the New Orleans Parish district attorney’s office intentionally concealed forensic evidence establishing his innocence. After his exoneration, Mr. Thompson sued the office under Section 1983 of the Civil Rights Act of 1871, landmark legislation intended to provide a federal forum to those deprived of their civil rights by state officials.

Though Mr. Thompson won a $14 million jury award, the Supreme Court set aside the verdict on appeal. Notwithstanding the fact that the New Orleans prosecutors had similarly withheld evidence in at least four other cases, or the fact that several prosecutors suppressed the evidence in Mr. Thompson’s own case, the court said that Mr. Thompson had failed to demonstrate a pattern of wrongdoing by the district attorney’s office, which it held was required by Section 1983. The court’s decision illustrates just one of a host of protections it has given to prosecutors and judges to shield them from liability.

Civil cases like Mr. Thompson’s reveal a frightening reality. In privileging the discretion of prosecutors and judges to enforce the law, we have come perilously close to placing these officials above the law. We do not know the extent to which judges and prosecutors cross the line into criminality. After all, cellphones rarely capture the moment when a judge or prosecutor illegally locks someone away.

Nonetheless, advocates across the country continue to expose judges who unlawfully deprive defendants of lawyers or throw people in jail simply because they are too poor to pay small amounts of money. We are constantly confronted with wrongful convictions rooted in a prosecutor’s belief that winning a case is more important than seeking justice. These experiences compel us to recognize that sometimes the criminals our justice system most needs to confront are actually running it.

There is a solution: federal criminal prosecutions of state judges and prosecutors who flout the law. The nearly insurmountable barriers to justice in civil court don’t apply in criminal prosecutions. Indeed, the Supreme Court has invoked the availability of Section 242 prosecutions to justify its sealing of federal courthouse doors against people seeking to vindicate their civil rights.

Last month, the Department of Justice provided a rare glimpse of the law’s untapped potential. A Missouri prosecutor pleaded guilty under Section 242 of concealing police officers’ brutal assault of an arrestee, then prosecuting the victim on charges the officers fabricated to cover up their crime.

Missouri marks a promising, yet incomplete mandate. Judges and prosecutors violate civil rights every day, in plain sight, and with seeming impunity. To make them answer for these crimes, the federal government must continue to extend its reach beyond the streets and into the courtroom.

Brandon Buskey is a staff attorney with the A.C.L.U.’s Criminal Law Reform Project.

Former NY State Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver Is Found Guilty of All Bribery and Extortion Charges

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Just keep going, Preet. We need a cleanup in New York State!

Betsy Combier
Editor, Courtbeat
Sheldon Silver
Sheldon Silver Convicted in Federal Corruption Trial
By Andrew Siff and AP

Former Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver has been convicted of bribery and extortion charges in a federal corruption trial that increased scrutiny of politicians in Albany, where power has long been concentrated in the hands of the Assembly speaker, the Senate president and the governor.
The jury handed down its decision Monday, less than a month after the powerful 71-year-old Democrat's trial began. 
Silver said nothing as the verdict on each count was read in the Manhattan courtroom, his head bowed slightly and a somber expression on his face. The judge polled each juror to confirm their verdict.
Silver faces up to 20 years in prsion, although that sentence is unlikely. It's expected he will appeal the verdict immediately.
U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara said in a statement "SheldonSilver got justice, and at long last, so did the people of New York." 
Silver, who served as the speaker of the assembly for more than 20 years, was arrested in late January and is accused of collecting around $4 million in bribes and kickbacks since 2002, using his law license and lax New York disclosure laws to disguise the profits as referral fees.
The lawmaker quit his speaker post after his arrest but retained his Assembly seat. Neither Silver nor his attorneys could immediately be reached for comment on the verdict.
There was some drama when jury deliberations began last Tuesday when a juror claimed that other jurors accused her of failing to use her common sense, leaving her feeling "very, very uncomfortable."
"I'm feeling pressured, stressed out," the juror wrote in a note to U.S. District Judge Valerie Caproni in Manhattan as she asked to be excused from further deliberations.
In her note, the juror said she had a different opinion and view than other jurors "and it is making me feel very, very uncomfortable."
"My heart is pounding and my head feels weird," she said. "I am so stressed out right now that I can't even write normally. I don't feel like I can be myself right now! I need to leave!"
After a prosecutor recommended she be released as a juror, the judge said it was too early to do so, and said she would urge jurors to respectfully exchange views.
"Listen to and exchange views with your other jurors," Caproni said she would tell them.
The judge said she was further convinced that patience was the best remedy when another note emerged from jurors shortly afterward. In it, the jurors asked if there was a code of conduct or ethics code that clearly stated whether receiving funds for something in return is illegal.
"It seems there is some deliberation going on," the judge told lawyers. "It's too early to throw in the towel."
In all, 31 lawmakers have been convicted of crimes or have left public service amid allegations of ethical misconduct since 2000, according to a tally kept by the good-government group Citizens Union.



Judicial Watch Wins a Lawsuit Halting Race-based "Native Hawaiian Only" Election in Hawaii

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Tom Fitton

Judicial Watch Scores Supreme Court Win

How about a little good news? Your Judicial Watch, on behalf of a group of patriotic Americans, scored a major victory for the U.S. Constitution and national unity before the United States Supreme Court. This week, we convinced the Supreme Court to issue an injunction halting a race-based "Native Hawaiian-only" election in Hawaii. In August, Judicial Watch filed a federal lawsuit on behalf of the five Hawaiian residents and one Texas resident of Hawaiian descent who opposed the discriminatory election process (Keli'i Akina, et al. v. The State of Hawaii, et al. (No. 1:15-cv-00322)).

The Supreme Court victory is remarkable. The JW statement issued to the press puts it all together:
"The Supreme Court today issued an injunction that put a hard stop to the race-based, separatist election in Hawaii that violated the 'fundamental constitutional rights' of our American citizen clients. Today's ruling is a historic setback to the State of Hawaii and the Obama administration, which misused public monies to push a racially discriminatory election. President Obama and Hawaiian political leaders should be called to account for their cynical support of a race-based election that violated numerous civil rights laws and the U.S. Constitution. Our clients are brave patriots who took a public stand on behalf of the rule of law. The High Court agreed our clients had an indisputable right to this relief and it is wonderful to see their faith in our Constitution vindicated by today's Supreme Court ruling. In addition, Judicial Watch's hundreds of thousands of supporters deserve thanks for providing the voluntary support that allowed our team of hard-working attorneys to stop this corrupt and dangerous election. Kudos also to the Grassroot Institute of Hawaii, a Hawaii-based think tank, that gave invaluable assistance to our efforts."

After we filed our lawsuit over the issue in August, we quickly asked the court for apreliminary injunction
 to stop the vote that had been scheduled for November 2015. Our lawyers argued that our clients would be denied the right to vote either because of their race or their political views - in direct violation of the U.S. Constitution and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Hawaii's Act 195 authorizes the Native Hawaiian Roll Commission (NHRC) to create a list of "Native Hawaiians" who would be eligible to elect delegates to a planned constitutional convention, which would then prepare "governance documents" for a separate Native Hawaiian entity.

The lower court denied our injunction, so we took it upstairs to the appellate court. We filed an
 Urgent Motion for Injunction with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. We lost again. Undeterred and confident in our legal arguments, the JW team immediately thereafter filed an emergency application on November 23 to the Honorable Justice Anthony Kennedy, Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court who oversees the Ninth Circuit. Last Friday, shortly after Judicial Watch replied to Hawaii's opposition, Justice Kennedy issued anorder temporarily enjoining the election pending review by the entire Supreme Court. That was a sweet victory. But this week, the Supreme Court (voting 5-4) granted our request. The December 2, ruling reads:

The application for injunction pending appellate review presented to Justice Kennedy and by him referred to the Court is granted. Respondents are enjoined from counting the ballots cast in, and certifying the winners of, the election described in the application, pending final disposition of the appeal by the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. Justice Ginsburg, Justice Breyer, Justice Sotomayor, and Justice Kagan would deny the application.


Under federal law, the Supreme Court only issues emergency injunctions when the circumstances presented are "critical and exigent" and the legal rights at issue are "indisputably clear." Accordingly, this Supreme Court decision sends a strong message for the lower courts.

The aborted election, which was being conducted by mail-in ballots, was to have ended in November but the voting deadline was recently extended to
 midnight Monday, December 21. The election was made possible by a grant by the State of Hawaii of $2.6 million in public funds.

The war isn't over, but this is a significant success for the rule of law. Here, it's important to point out that the Obama administration
 supported the race-based election in this litigation despite the fact that the State of Hawaii limits eligible voters in the election to those who have at least one drop of Native Hawaiian blood. Go back in history, and you will find that this "one drop of blood" rule is like other laws last seen in the racist Jim Crow era: "It also has an unfortunate resonance in American history. See, e.g., Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 5 n. 4 (1967) (discussing Virginia statute holding that '[e]very person in whom there is ascertainable any Negro blood shall be deemed and taken to be a colored person')."

Imagine if this "one drop of blood" rule had resulted in a new "tribe" that had as its goal "independence" for Hawaii. The precedent could lead to Muslims asserting sovereignty, Hispanics, Scottish-Americans - you get the picture. This case was not only about the rights of our few clients, it was about the future of our nation.

That we were able to stop this potential calamity for our nation the day after Thanksgiving is providential.
 

And our legal team requires special recognition, especially as they had to work over Thanksgiving! Robert Popper, director of Judicial Watch's Election Integrity Project, is Judicial Watch's
 lead attorney on the lawsuit and lead counsel for all plaintiffs. Mr. Popper was formerly deputy chief of the Voting Section of the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department. Michael Lilly of the Honolulu law firm Ning, Lilly & Jones, a former Attorney General for Hawaii, is serving as Judicial Watch's local counsel for the plaintiffs. H. Christopher Coates is also an attorney for the plaintiffs. Coates is an expert voting rights attorney who most recently served as Chief of the Voting Section of the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department under President Barack Obama. William S. Consovoy and J. Michael Connolly of Consovoy McCarthy Park PLLC just joined as counsel as the litigation went before the Supreme Court.

The fight isn't over, and the litigation will continue in the lower courts. But the corrupted election won't take place any time soon, and I wouldn't bet, based on this week's extraordinary Supreme Court action, that it will ever take place.

US Supreme Court Orders the Center For Medical Progress To Release Names of Supporters and Donors

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re-posted from Parentadvocates.org:

           
   David Daleiden   

Supreme Court Weighing In on Planned Parenthood Videos

December 5, 2015
Jack Martinez, Raw Story
Posted with permission from Newsweek

The Supreme Court just dealt a blow to the Center for Medical Progress, a California-based anti-abortion group that released a series of videos in which Planned Parenthood employees appear to discuss the sale of fetal tissue.

David Daleiden, the pro-life auteur behind the videos, asked Justice Anthony Kennedy to block an order from a district judge to hand over the names of his organization’s supporters and donors. Kennedy denied the request, and Daleiden will have to provide the information to a California district court.

The National Abortion Federation has sued the Center for Medical Progress on the grounds that Daleiden’s allies infiltrated its meetings by lying about their identities; in the videos, CMP members posed as Planned Parenthood employees. Although the content of the videos shocked and offended many politicians, prompting a national outcry, the countercharge that the whole thing was a sting operation to discredit Planned Parenthood has gained momentum among pro-abortion activists and politicians.

“It’s time to end this shell game.... The key issue here is the disclosure of the identities of CMP's supporters,” said California District Judge William Orrick, according to a report in the Los Angeles Times.

Orrick wants Daleiden to release the names in order to find out who was given confidential information about the National Abortion Federation, and has dismissed the argument that First Amendment "freedom of association" rights protects the CMP supporters, who may have been privy to illegal dealings as Daleiden went undercover to expose the health care provider's practices.

Daleiden’s attorneys have argued that releasing the names would put supporters at risk of “retaliation.”

The action on the lawsuit comes in the wake of a mass shooting at a Planned Parenthood clinic in Colorado Springs that left three dead on the Friday after Thanksgiving.

Marcello Trebitsch, Sheldon Silver's Son-in-Law, Going To Jail For $6 Million Ponzi Scheme

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Marcello Trebitsch, who is the son-in-law of Sheldon Silver, leaves Manhattan Federal Court on Wednesday, December 16, 2015. He was sentenced to two years in prison for stealing $6 million 

from investors.


Sheldon Silver’s son-in-law will spend 2 

years in prison for $6M Ponzi scheme

LINK 
NEW YORK DAILY NEWS,  
Updated: Wednesday, December 16, 2015, 5:50 PM

Sheldon Silver's Ponzi scheming son-in-law will spend two years in prison for pocketing some $6 million from unsuspecting investors, a Manhattan federal judge ruled Wednesday.

Marcello Trebitsch, who is hitched to disgraced ex-Assembly speaker Silver's daughter Michelle, pleaded guilty in July 2015 to one count of securities fraud related to the seven-year-long scam.

The fraudster's sentencing comes just two weeks after a federal jury convicted Silver of seven corruption counts. A source previously told the Daily News Silver and Trebitsch's arrests were not connected.

Trebitsch promised Allese Capital investors 14-to-16% returns with little risk. He fudged financial statements to make the investments look profitable. In reality, he was hoarding the money for himself and paying back other investors.

He admitted to the scheme when he pleaded guilty, telling the court: "I'm sorry for what I've done and I apologize to the court and my family."

"As Marcello Trebitsch admitted in court today, he ran a multimillion-dollar Ponzi scheme, defrauding investors who put their faith in him,"Manhattan U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara said after Trebitsch's plea. "He returned their faith with deceit and self-dealing, lying about his trading losses and using investor money on himself."


Sheldon Silver's son-in-law pleads guilty in fraud case, admitting he received $7M in Ponzi scheme


NEW YORK DAILY NEWS

Monday, July 13, 2015, 5:38 PM

LINK
Sheldon Silver's son-in-law copped a plea in Manhattan Federal Court Monday, admitting that for years he defrauded investors of millions of dollars in a Ponzi scheme.

Marcello Trebitsch, 37, pleaded guilty to securities fraud before Judge Vernon Broderick, saying that from 2007 to 2014, he received $7 million from investors, for which he promised high returns with low risk.

"I also gave them false account statements," leading investors to believe that was what they were getting, Trebitsch said in court.

Federal prosecutors said Trebitsch, who is married to the former Assembly Speaker's daughter Michelle, promised investors to Allese Capital a 16% return and then doctored financial statements to reflect profit, while in reality Trebitsch was using the remainder of the funds for his own personal benefit and to pay back other investors.

"I'm sorry for what I've done and I apologize to the court and my family," Trebitsch said.

Trebitsch faces up to 20 years behind bars if convicted at trial. The plea deal calls for Trebitsch to serve between 51 to 63 months, but Broderick reminded him that the final decision on his punishment would be his.

"Their prediction could be wrong," Broderick warned. By pleading guilty, Trebitsch waived his right to appeal Broderick's sentencing decision.

"At sentencing, we are hopeful the Court will treat him leniently once the full background of this case is explained in our sentencing memorandum," said Trebitsch's lawyer, Benjamin Brafman.

Under the terms of the deal, Trebitsch must also pay $5,905,949 in forfeiture and restitution. He’ll be sentenced Nov. 2.

Attorney Bernard A. Weintraub Resigns From Practicing Law

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Matter of Weintraub
2014 NY Slip Op 06929
Decided on October 14, 2014
Appellate Division, First Department
Per Curiam

Published by New York State Law Reporting Bureau pursuant to
Judiciary Law § 431.
This opinion is uncorrected and subject to revision before publication
in the Official Reports.

Decided on October 14, 2014 SUPREME COURT, APPELLATE DIVISION First
Judicial Department
Rolando T. Acosta, Justice Presiding,
Rosalyn H. Richter
Sallie Manzanet-Daniels
Paul G. Feinman
Judith J. Gische, Justices.
M-3492

[*1]In the Matter of Bernard A. Weintraub (admitted as Bernard Adam
Weintraub), an attorney and counselor-at-law: Departmental Disciplinary
Committee for the First Judicial Department, Petitioner, Bernard A.
Weintraub, Respondent.
Disciplinary proceedings instituted by the Departmental Disciplinary Committee for the
First Judicial Department. Respondent, Bernard A. Weintraub, was admitted to the Bar of
the State of New York at a Term of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court for the
First Judicial Department on May 2, 1994.
Jorge Dopico, Chief Counsel, Departmental
Disciplinary Committee, New York
(Kevin M. Doyle, of counsel), for petitioner.
Hinshaw & Culbertson LLP
(Hal R. Lieberman, of counsel), for respondent.
Per Curiam

Respondent Bernard A. Weintraub was admitted to the practice of law in the State of
New York by the First Judicial Department on May 2, 1994, under the name Bernard
Adam Weintraub. At all times relevant herein, respondent maintained a registered
business address within the First Department.

The Departmental Disciplinary Committee moves, pursuant to the Rules of the Appellate Division, First Department (22 NYCRR) 603.11, for an order accepting respondent's resignation from the practice of law and striking his name from the roll of attorneys.

Respondent's affidavit of resignation, sworn to on July 3, 2014, complies with section
603.11 in that he states, inter alia: (1) his resignation is submitted freely, voluntarily and
without coercion or duress; and (2) that he is fully aware of the implications of
submitting his resignation (see 22 NYCRR 603.11[a][1]).

Respondent is also aware that he has been the subject of an investigation by the
Disciplinary Committee into allegations he misappropriated client funds 22 NYCRR
603.11[a][2]. Specifically, it was alleged that respondent: (1) jointly represented two
clients at the closing of the sale of their home; (2) held a portion of the sale proceeds in
his escrow account, the disbursement of which was delayed because his clients were
involved in divorce proceedings; (3) during the period of time in which the funds were
held in escrow and without his clients consent, he borrowed' $600,000 "to meet certain
obligations in the face of the economic downturn and [his] consequent inability to borrow
the money from regular institutional sources"; and (4) he provided accountings to counsel for one of his clients which did not reflect his misappropriation of funds from the escrow account. Respondent advised that "he fully described" his misappropriation to his client's counsel subsequent to providing the inaccurate accounting, and promised to restore the funds to his escrow account. When counsel requested disbursement of the proceeds, respondent paid over the funds in full, after certain proper payments and distributions, along with interest for the entire escrow period.

Respondent further acknowledges he could not defend himself on the merits if
disciplinary charges were brought against him (922 NYCRR 603.11[a][3]; Matter of
Riley, 115 AD3d 112 [1st Dept 2014]).

Accordingly, the Committee's motion should be granted to the extent of accepting
respondent's resignation from the practice of law and striking his name from the roll of
attorneys and counselors-at-law in the State of New York, effective nunc pro tunc to July 3, 2014.

All concur.
Order filed. [October 14, 2014]
Acosta, J.P., Richter, Manzanet-Daniels, Feinman, and Gische, JJ.
Respondent's name stricken from the roll of attorneys and counselors-at-law in the State of New York, nunc pro tunc to July 3, 2014. Opinion Per Curiam. All con

Cleaning Up New York State Corruption: Who Is Preet Bharara?

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U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara
Preet Bharara: The man behind NY corruption busting
Joseph Spector, Journal Albany Bureau, December 26, 2015

LINK
ALBANY - When Andrew Cuomo was running for attorney general in 2006, he vowed to be the “Sheriff of State Street,” where the state Capitol is located.

A decade later, there’s a new sheriff in town: U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara.

In his six years in office, Bharara has won the guilty verdicts of 27 public officials, and none were larger than the convictions in the last month of the former legislative leaders, Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver and Senate Leader Dean Skelos.



THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL

Former N.Y. Assembly Speaker Silver guilty on all counts



THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL

Ex-NY Senate leader Skelos, son guilty of extortion


Already, Bharara has carved out a public-corruption record that rivals anyone who has held the distinguished post for the Southern District of New York, which covers parts of New York City and the Hudson Valley.

People close to him say Bharara has a calm confidence that, over decades in politics and the courtroom, has driven him toward a belief that New York is fertile ground for public corruption.

He has wiretapped lawmakers and their phones, turned their trusted political allies into informants and stepped in when state prosecutors and oversight agencies didn’t.


THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL

Why can't Albany clean itself up?


The goal, ultimately, is to change government for the better, he and those who’ve worked with him said.

“There’s a lot of cases that you do, but these two (Silver and Skelos) are ones that hopefully will actually change things in a broader way,” said Richard Zabel, Bharara’s former deputy until June when he left for the private sector. “That’s what Preet is trying to do.”

Bharara’s convictions of Silver and Skelos — two of the three most powerful figures in New York — has led to speculation about his own political future and whether he is targeting the state’s other most powerful leader in New York: Cuomo, the Democratic governor.

Bharara’s office is still believed to be investigating Cuomo and his staff’s role in the demise of — and the potential tampering with — a corruption-busting panel that Cuomo empaneled in 2013 but shuttered a year later.

Bharara earlier this month didn’t let Cuomo off the hook when asked directly whether Cuomo is next on his list. He has criticized Cuomo’s decision to disband the Moreland Commission, but Cuomo has defended the move, saying the commission's work has aided prosecutors' probes and led to new ethics reforms.


THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL

Who’s next? Bharara won’t disclose corruption probes


“I’m not going to talk about any investigations that we have open. We have lots of investigations open,” Bharara said on WNYC radio. “I think that people like to talk about what’s going to happen tomorrow.”

But he added: “You shouldn’t read into anything I’m saying one way or the other. And I know people like to do that.”

Capitol shadow

Bharara, 47, a naturalized U.S. citizen who was born in India, has loomed large over the Capitol since he starting digging into corruption soon after he took office in August 2009 — months after he was nominated by President Obama.

A former assistant U.S. attorney in the Southern District between 2000 and 2005, Bharara got his first true taste of politics as chief counsel to U.S. Sen. Charles Schumer, D-NY, over the subsequent four years.

Friends said that experience shaped Bharara’s understanding of the politics and levers of power in New York.

“His prosecutorial background is enhanced because he understands the political process, and he’s not afraid of it,” said Viet Dinh, a close friend and prominent Washington, D.C., lawyer.

With Schumer, Bharara also appears to have picked up his former boss’ skills at trying to gain maximum media impact.

Silver was arrested Jan. 22— just hours after the Manhattan Democrat was on stage with Cuomo at the governor’s State of the State address near the Capitol.


THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL

Speaker Sheldon Silver's corruption arrest stuns Capitol


When Bharara arrested Silver and Skelos, the news conferences were filled with charts that showed their alleged wrongdoing. He ended the Silver briefing with, “Stay tuned” — and he’s used that ominous line repeatedly since.

“He has clearly put the fear of ‘you know what’ in the hearts of all Albany legislators,” said Siena College poll spokesman Steven Greenberg. “And his record is phenomenal.”

Bharara’s office has only lost one corruption case: former Assemblyman William Boyland, D-Brooklyn, was acquitted in 2011, but was ultimately convicted in a separate trial by federal prosecutors in Brooklyn.

After Silver’s arrest, Bharara railed against Albany in a series of interviews, calling it a “cauldron of corruption.” His actions raised eyebrows as to whether Bharara was on a publicity tour, and it soon drew a rebuke from the judge in the Silver case.


THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL

Bharara rips Albany's "cauldron of corruption"


“The U.S. Attorney, while castigating politicians in Albany for playing fast and loose with the ethical rules that govern their conduct, strayed so close to the edge of the rules governing his own conduct that Defendant Sheldon Silver has a non-frivolous argument that he fell over the edge to the defendant’s prejudice,” U.S. District Court Judge Valerie Caproni wrote in April.


THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL

Judge upholds Sheldon Silver's indictment, but chides Preet Bharara


Since then, Bharara’s interviews have been limited. He spoke to The New York Timesafter the Skelos conviction and did the WNYC radio interview. Through a spokesman, he declined an interview request from Gannett’s Albany Bureau.

Building cases

While his lower Manhattan-based office has taken down terrorists and Wall Street executives, Bharara’s public corruption cases have gained the most statewide interest, fueling talk that he may one day run for elected office. His current office has launched the careers of other future politicians, such as Rudy Guiliani and Thomas Dewey.

But Bharara would have to become more widely known in New York: A Siena poll this month showed 73 percent of voters didn’t know him or have an opinion of him.

Dinh said the question over Bharara’s next career move may be simply between staying in the public sector versus the pull of a lucrative job in the private sector. Bharara has a wife and three children, and with a new president to be elected in 2016, his future as U.S. attorney could be in doubt.

“One of the things people keep asking is how long can he afford to do this, and the answer is how long can his family afford for him to do this?” Dinh said.

Soon after taking office, Bharara’s office began bringing corruption cases.

They started with the Jan. 6, 2010, indictment of Sandy Annabi, the former majority leader of the Yonkers City Council. Two years later, she was sentenced to six years in prison.


THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL

Court of Appeals: No new trial for Annabi


As the cases built — including convictions against former Hudson Valley Sens. Nick Spano and Vincent Leibell — his staff began to see common themes.

Top state lawmakers had discretion over millions of dollars of public funds that they could dole out with little public oversight, Zabel explained. So they started to follow the money.

The pots of taxpayer dollars allowed the leaders to wield unmatched power — and the grants that they doled out ultimately was at the heart of the corruption cases against Silver and Skelos.

“It kind of led us to think about what are these areas where politicians in New York seem to be preserving themselves the ability to distribute or get money and grants for their own purposes,” Zabel said.

The conviction of Sen. Thomas Libous, R-Binghamton, in July, centered around himlying to the FBI over getting his son a job at a Westchester County law firm — in part by allegedly promising the law firm work because of his power in Albany.


THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL

Libous sentenced to house arrest, $50,000 fine


Wiretaps and more

Another key tactic has been the use of wiretaps and non-prosecutorial agreements with key witnesses, such as top campaign donors to Skelos and Silver.

One Bronx legislator wore a wire for four years as a federal informant. A Queens senator wore a wire while at home with an injury, then pleaded guilty to corruption charges.

In the Skelos case, a wiretap was used in part on the phone of Skelos’ son, Adam, who was also convicted in the case. Tapes were played in court that revealed remarkable exchanges between the father and son over how they planned to use the Long Island Republican’s office to benefit Adam’s private business dealings.


THE POUGHKEEPSIE JOURNAL

NY FRACKING: Did state come close to saying OK?


“We knew these were hard cases to make and so we were always looking for ways we could either get a wiretap or wire people up, like informants and others, and get people on tape,” Zabel said. “That’s the best evidence for a jury.”

Bharara’s tactics have shaken Albany to its core: No longer can private conversations in the Capitol’s dark halls be considered sacred.

And when lawmakers return next month for a six-month session, Bharara’s shadow will hover over the place.

“Everybody in Albany that I talk to, Democrat and Republican, all the speculation is where does he go next? Is the governor on the target list?” said Assemblyman Bill Nojay, R-Pittsford.

Movie lines

For those who know Bharara, his ascension is not a surprise: He’s not boisterous, yet confident and attentive.

Zabel said he and Bharara would exchange messages at 1 a.m. and talk about cases late into the night. In both the Silver and Skelos cases, Bharara was often in court watching his prosecutors present their arguments.

“Some people call him fearless, but it’s not fearlessness born out of reckless abandon,” Dinh said. “It’s a fearlessness born out of confidence in the process and confidence in the work of his office.”

Schumer called Bharara one of the smartest people who ever worked for him.

“He’s cleaning up Albany and that’s a great thing, and I’m proud of him,” Schumer said during a recent visit to Rochester.

Bharara is a Bruce Springsteen superfan and likes to quote lines from movies. One of his favorites is from Mark Wahlberg, who played a police sergeant in The Departed,saying: “I’m the guy who does his job. You must be the other guy.”

Next steps

Bharara’s convictions have led to a new round of calls for ethics reform at the Capitol, and Bharara himself has joined the chorus of those clamoring for change.

In the WNYC interview Dec. 14, Bharara talked about the entrenchment of long-serving leaders, such as Silver who was the speaker for more than 20 years. He also mentioned the problem of lawmakers having outside income and the difficulty of trying to recoup their pensions after they are convicted; the pensions are protected by the state Constitution.

“He’s going to turn out to be a major historical figure in New York,” Blair Horner, the longtime legislative director for the New York Public Interest Research Group. “He may end up single-handedly changing Albany’s political climate.”

Whether Silver and Skelos, who are planning to appeal, are the capstone to Bharara’s corruption crusade or a precursor to more cases remains to be seen.

Bharara’s “stay tuned” line — which he also used in his first Twitter message Dec. 10 — seems to be both a way to toy with lawmakers and warn them.

As he said on the radio: “The first line of defense against bad conduct is the institution itself. And it seems they are doing a pretty poor job of self policing.”

Joseph Spector: jspector@gannett.com, Twitter: @gannettalbany

Preet Bharara

Age: 47

Family: Wife and three children

Education: Harvard College with an A.B. in Government in 1990; Columbia Law School with a J.D. in 1993.

Experience: Lawyer at Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, 1993-96; Swidler Berlin Shereff Friedman, 1996-2000; assistant U.S. Attorney in the Southern District of New York, 2000-05; appeared on Time’s “100 Most Influential People in the World” list in 2012; chief counsel to Sen. Charles Schumer, 2005-09; appointed U.S. Attorney, 2009-present.

Key corruption cases

Sandy Annabi: Former majority leader of Yonkers City Council; convicted of bribery, honest services fraud in 2010; sentenced to six years in prison in 2012.

Hiram Monserrate: Former Queens senator; pleaded guilty to mail fraud in 2012; sentenced to two years in prison.

Vincent Leibell: Former Hudson Valley senator; pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice in 2010; 21 months in prison.

Anthony Mangone: Former chief of staff to Sen. Nick Spano; pledged guilty to conspiracy, bribery; sentenced to 18 months in prison this month.

Carl Kruger: Former Brooklyn senator; pleaded guilty in 2011 to honest services fraud; seven years in prison.

Nick Spano: Former Hudson Valley senator; pleaded guilty to obstructing IRS laws in 2012; one year in prison.

Malcolm Smith: Former Senate majority leader from Queens; convicted on wire fraud, bribery in 2015; sentenced to seven years in prison.

Noramie Jasmin: Former Spring Valley mayor in Rockland County; convicted on mail fraud in 2015; sentenced to four years in prison.

Thomas Libous: Former Binghamton-area senator; convicted on false statements to FBI in July; six months house arrest, appeal pending.

Ernest Davis: Mount Vernon mayor; pleaded guilty to failure to file tax returns; one year probation.

Sheldon Silver: Former Assembly speaker; convicted on all seven counts in November; appeal, sentencing pending.

Dean Skelos: Former Senate majority leader; convicted on all eight counts in December; appeal, sentencing pending.

Preet Bharara, U.S. Attorney, Sees Lessons in Albany Corruption Trials






Preet Bharara, the United States attorney whose office recently won the corruption convictions of two of New York’s most powerful legislators, says that Albany’s problems are deep and systemic but that potential solutions are not hard to find: They lie in the nitty-gritty evidence presented at the unprecedented trial.

In his first interview since the verdicts, the most recent of which was delivered on Friday, Mr. Bharara said that the two trials hammered home the fact that the ability of lawmakers to earn outside income, coupled with a lack of transparency, weak disclosure requirements and the concentration of power in the hands of a few, is hugely problematic.

“It would be, I think, irresponsible not to spend some time talking about what those things, what those trials, have taught us, and what those cases may mean for how everyone can get good government,” Mr. Bharara said.

Mr. Bharara declined, as he has previously, to suggest specific reforms or remedies or to say how any such measures would be carried out.

But he said the fact that both convicted lawmakers — Sheldon Silver, the former Assembly speaker, and Dean G. Skelos, the former Senate majority leader — chose to go to trial instead of pleading guilty in a quick hearing allowed for a much more detailed airing of how their crimes were committed.

“All I’m saying is that what we offer in terms of the debate is the facts that were exposed in the cases that we have brought,” Mr. Bharara said.

“I think that people should take a look at what that showed,” he added, referring to the public and others who are seeking meaningful reform of Albany’s dysfunction.

Mr. Bharara noted that the trial of Mr. Silver, in particular, underscored the longstanding nature of his ethical lapses and his crimes, which dated back at least 15 years, and how some lawmakers in Albany allowed them to continue.

“The corruption in the State Legislature in Albany has not been episodic,” Mr. Bharara said. “It’s been systemic, and if nothing else, the trials revealed that there’s a deep culture problem, and a matter-of-factness about how at least these two defendants, who’ve now been found guilty, went about their daily corrupt business with barely a thought about it.”

Mr. Bharara, whose office has won the convictions of about a dozen current and former state legislators in his six-year tenure, said his public corruption investigations were continuing, but he would not discuss them.

RELATED COVERAGE


New Yorkers Want New Ethics Laws to Clean Up Albany, Poll FindsDEC. 14, 2015



Dean Skelos, Ex-New York Senate Leader, and His Son Are Convicted of CorruptionDEC. 11, 2015



Sheldon Silver, Ex-New York Assembly Speaker, Is Found Guilty on All CountsNOV. 30, 2015


He also declined to discuss what kind of sentence his office would seek for the two former lawmakers, who forfeited their seats upon conviction.Photo

Sheldon Silver, a former speaker of the New York Assembly, leaving federal court in Manhattan last month after being found guilty on all counts in his corruption trial. CreditRobert Stolarik for The New York Times

Mr. Silver, 71, a Manhattan Democrat, was found guilty on Nov. 30 on honest services fraud, extortion and money laundering charges, for schemes through which he obtained nearly $4 million in exchange for using his office to help benefit a cancer researcher and two real estate developers.

Mr. Skelos, 67, a Long Island Republican, and his son, Adam B. Skelos, 33, were found guilty on Friday of bribery, extortion and conspiracy charges, for schemes that exploited the senator’s position to pressure a developer, an environmental technology company and a medical malpractice insurer to provide the son with hundreds of thousands of dollars in consulting fees and a no-show job.

Mr. Bharara took special interest in the two trials, spending many days observing from the rear of the courtrooms with several of his senior aides. In the interview, he recalled one piece of testimony that he had found particularly revelatory — “stunning,” as he put it.

Albany on Trial
In the past decade, the state capital has been rocked by a seemingly endless barrage of scandals and arrests involving officeholders.

Albany Trials Exposed the Power of a Real Estate FirmDEC 18


Corporate Victims Said to Be Shocked (Shocked!) at Dean Skelos’s Request for MoneyDEC 10


Adam Skelos's IncomeDEC 10


Jury Begins Deliberations in Trial of Dean Skelos and His SonDEC 10


Defense Lawyers Point Out ‘Holes’ in Case Against Dean Skelos and SonDEC 9


See More »

State Senator Tony Avella, a Democrat from Queens, testified that as chairman of the Senate Ethics Committee, he had been barred from holding any committee hearings.

“The idea that the chair of the ethics committee has never had the opportunity to mark up a bill, has never had the opportunity to hold a hearing,” Mr. Bharara said, “tells you everything you need to know about the enabling nature of all the people in the State Legislature who may not have been convicted of crimes, but seem not to care that they’re going on. I think that’s indisputable.”

Mr. Bharara, while reiterating he was not advocating any specific reform, said the trial showed how a lack of transparency and no restriction on outside incomes made it easier for lawmakers involved in corrupt deals to carry out their crimes undetected.

“It makes it harder to prosecute the bad apples when every apple is able to be nontransparent about that outside income,” Mr. Bharara said. “I’m trying to suggest that these are things that are really, really worth talking about,” he added.

Mr. Bharara noted that investigators, agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and career prosecutors “have been doing their job with abandon” for years.Photo

State Senator Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam, left the federal courthouse in Manhattan after the verdict this month.CreditAndrew Renneisen for The New York Times

“But that doesn’t solve the problem any more than the curing of one patient solves a plague,” he added, asserting that any solution must also involve the public and politicians.

Mr. Silver and the elder Mr. Skelos, as the two Legislative leaders, worked closely with Andrew M. Cuomo, a Democrat who successfully ran for governor in 2010 on a promise to clean up Albany. He has pursued ethics reform numerous times, and achieved only modest results.

And in July 2013 he established a high-powered commission, stacked with a number of state prosecutors, to root out public corruption. However, in a widely criticized decision the governor just nine months later shut down the panel, known as the Moreland Commission.

Earlier this year he said his administration had “proposed every ethics law imaginable” and “you can’t legislate morality and you can’t legislate intelligence.”

But in recent days, after the convictions, Mr. Cuomo has said more reform was, in fact, needed, telling reporters on Sunday that the changes need to be sweeping.

Mr. Bharara, in the interview, also recalled another moment in the trials, when Mr. Silver’s defense lawyer, Steven F. Molo, accused prosecutors of effectively criminalizing conduct that was legal, normal and that allowed “government to function consistent with the way that our founding fathers of the State of New York wanted it to function.”

Mr. Bharara cited the strong response made by one of his prosecutors, Andrew D. Goldstein, who told the jury that such an argument tainted the democratic process by calling corruption “politics as usual.”

The juries “rejected that sorry excuse twice,” Mr. Bharara said.

He also recalled the suggestion, made in court and elsewhere, that prosecutors did not really understand politics.

“One defense lawyer said the prosecutors look at everything through ‘dirty windows,’ ” Mr. Bharara said. “Well, you know what? It turns out it wasn’t the windows that are dirty.”


Sarah Maslin Nir contributed reporting.

The Investigation of Gary Alford and the End of the Silk Road For Russ W. Ulbricht

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The Tax Sleuth Who Took Down a Drug Lord

LINK
Gary L. Alford was running on
Gary Alford, a special agent with the I.R.S., pored over old blog posts
and chat room logs that led, eventually, to Dread Pirate Roberts
.

adrenaline when he arrived for work on a Monday in June 2013, at the Drug Enforcement Administration office in the Chelsea neighborhood of Manhattan. A tax investigator, he had spent much of the weekend in the living room of his New Jersey townhouse, scrolling through arcane chat rooms and old blog posts, reading on well after his fiancée had gone to sleep.
It ultimately took Mr. Alford, 38, more than three months to gather enough evidence to prevail upon his colleagues to take his suspect seriously. After he convinced them, though, the man he identified, Ross W. Ulbricht, was arrested and Silk Road shuttered. The night of the arrest, Mr. Alford got an email from one of the other special agents at the center of the case: “Congrats Gary, you were right,” it said.

Ross W. Ulbricht
The laptop computer Gary Alford used during his investigation into
Dread Pirate Roberts. Mr. Alford found many of his leads through Google searches.
 
Mr. Alford’s experience, and the lag between his discovery and Mr. Ulbricht’s arrest, were largely left out of the documents and proceedings that led to Mr. Ulbricht’s conviction and life sentence this year.

Previous examinations of the Silk Road investigation have generally focused on the role played by special agents with the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Department of Homeland Security, who infiltrated the website, arrested important deputies and gathered reams of crucial information, but not enough to find Mr. Ulbricht — until Mr. Alford came along.

The other agencies involved in the investigation declined to comment on Mr. Alford’s work, but several people briefed on the investigation, who were not authorized to speak about it publicly, confirmed the basic outlines of Mr. Alford’s story.

Back in the summer of 2013, it was not hard, even for Mr. Alford, to understand why it took him time to win over the others on the case. He had joined the investigation relatively late and was on a team that hadn’t previously found much of value. He also lacked the sophisticated technological experience of colleagues at the F.B.I. On a more personal level, Mr. Alford could come across as overeager.

But Mr. Alford also detected the sort of organizational frictions that have hindered communication between law enforcement agencies in the past. Within the I.R.S., Mr. Alford had heard tales of his agency being ignored and overshadowed by more prominent organizations like the F.B.I. The story that resonated with Mr. Alford most strongly was that of the tax agent Frank J. Wilson, who brought down the gangster Al Capone, but who was forgotten in the movie versions of the investigation, which tended to focus on Eliot Ness, the flashier Bureau of Prohibition agent.

“They don’t write movies about Frank Wilson building the tax case,” Mr. Alford said in an interview at the I.R.S.’s Manhattan headquarters. “That’s just how it is.”

Mr. Alford grew up in the Marlboro public housing projects of Brooklyn in the 1980s, a short, half-black, half-Filipino kid in a tough neighborhood. His father, a math teacher, would cite the power of the subject to teach his son how to prevail over difficulties. “If you get the right answer, the teacher can’t tell you anything,” Mr. Alford remembers his father saying. That attitude led Mr. Alford to study accounting at Baruch College and then to the I.R.S., where his skeptical, lone-wolf approach worked well.

It was Mr. Alford’s supervisors at the I.R.S. who assigned him in February 2013 to a D.E.A. task force working the Silk Road case. The Strike Force, as it was known, had so far had little luck finding meaningful leads. Mr. Alford’s superiors hoped he could bring his youthful energy and doggedness to the project.

Mr. Alford started by chasing down leads on low-level Silk Road vendors selling Bitcoin, but he was too ambitious to keep his attention focused on small-time criminals. Whenever he had a free moment, he would read up on the origins of Silk Road and its nearly mythical leader, Dread Pirate Roberts, who ran the business and espoused his radical free-market ideology on the site’s message boards.

“I’m not high-tech, but I’m like, ‘This isn’t that complicated. This is just some guy behind a computer,’” he recalled saying to himself. “In these technical investigations, people think they are too good to do the stupid old-school stuff. But I’m like, ‘Well, that stuff still works.’ ”

Mr. Alford’s preferred tool was Google. He used the advanced search option to look for material posted within specific date ranges. That brought him, during the last weekend of May 2013, to a chat room posting made just before Silk Road had gone online, in early 2011, by someone with the screen name “altoid.”

“Has anyone seen Silk Road yet?” altoid asked. “It’s kind of like an anonymous Amazon.com.”

The early date of the posting suggested that altoid might have inside knowledge about Silk Road.

During the first weekend of June 2013, Mr. Alford went through everything altoid had written, the online equivalent of sifting through trash cans near the scene of a crime. Mr. Alford eventually turned up a message that altoid had apparently deleted — but that had been preserved in the response of another user.



In that post, altoid asked for some programming help and gave his email address: rossulbricht@gmail.com. Doing a Google search for Ross Ulbricht, Mr. Alford found a young man from Texas who, just like Dread Pirate Roberts, admired the free-market economist Ludwig von Mises and the libertarian politician Ron Paul — the first of many striking parallels Mr. Alford discovered that weekend.

When Mr. Alford took his findings to his supervisors and failed to generate any interest, he initially assumed that other agents had already found Mr. Ulbricht and ruled him out.

But he continued accumulating evidence, which emboldened Mr. Alford to put Mr. Ulbricht’s name on the D.E.A. database of potential suspects, next to the aliases altoid and Dread Pirate Roberts.

At the same time, though, Mr. Alford realized that he was not being told by the prosecutors about other significant developments in the case — a reminder, to Mr. Alford, of the lower status that the I.R.S. had in the eyes of other agencies. And when Mr. Alford tried to get more resources to track down Mr. Ulbricht, he wasn’t able to get the surveillance and the subpoenas he wanted.

Mr. Alford said the Manhattan federal prosecutor overseeing the investigation, Serrin Turner, seemed to want to find Dread Pirate Roberts more than anyone. But Mr. Alford said that Mr. Turner was working with multiple agencies on the case and did not seem to put much weight in the evidence that Mr. Alford was finding — leading to heated conversations.

“I’m not saying I’m right; we just need to look into this guy fully,” Mr. Alford remembers telling Mr. Turner.

A spokesman for the United States attorney’s office in Manhattan, where Mr. Turner works, declined to comment.

When Mr. Alford visited the main F.B.I. team on the case, later in the summer, it became clear that the team wasn’t aware of Mr. Ulbricht as a suspect — and also had no serious candidates of their own. Mr. Alford mentioned that he had a suspect in San Francisco, but no one followed up.

One of the other agents present for that meeting, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said that he and the others in the room had little reason to ask for further information from Mr. Alford, given the lack of progress made by the D.E.A. Strike Force to which he was assigned. “No one was taking them seriously,” the agent said. “I obviously wished we had asked more.”

When Mr. Alford went back to the D.E.A. office in Chelsea and complained about the meeting, a fellow I.R.S. agent in the group suggested it was time for Mr. Alford to give it up. “You’ve told them what you know. They didn’t do anything,” the agent told him, according to a person briefed on the conversation. “Forget it.”

Instead, Mr. Alford decided to review his findings again. In early September, he asked a colleague to run another background check on Mr. Ulbricht, in case he had missed something.

The colleague typed in the name and immediately looked up from her computer: “Hey, there is a case on this guy from July.

Agents with Homeland Security had seized a package with nine fake IDs at the Canadian border, addressed to Mr. Ulbricht’s apartment in San Francisco. When the agents visited the apartment in mid-July, Mr. Ulbricht answered the door, and the agents identified him as the face on the IDs, without having any idea of his potential links to Silk Road.

Mr. Alford’s colleague asked him, “Is this stuff interesting to you?”

“You are making my day,” he said.

As she read out the details, the report grew more intriguing. Without the agents mentioning Silk Road, Mr. Ulbricht told them that “hypothetically” anyone could go on a site called Silk Road and buy fake IDs.

Armed with these new findings, Mr. Alford phoned the prosecutor, Mr. Turner. There was a pause in the conversation while Mr. Turner typed Mr. Ulbricht’s address into his own computer. Then Mr. Alford heard a shouted profanity from the other end of the line — the clearest sign of interest he had heard yet, he says.

Mr. Ulbricht’s home address, it turned out, was a few hundred feet from an address that the F.B.I. had turned up in its investigation: a cafe from which Dread Pirate Roberts had signed in to Silk Road.

Mr. Turner arranged a conference call the same day with Mr. Alford and two agents on the case — an F.B.I. agent, Christopher Tarbell, and a Homeland Security agent, Jared Der-Yeghiayan.

Both agents declined to comment for this article, but according to two people briefed on the investigation, the crucial moment in that conference call came when Mr. Alford described some of Mr. Ulbricht’s interactions on message boards for programmers, while using the screen name “Frosty.” Mr. Tarbell stopped Mr. Alford and explained that Frosty was the name of the computer from which Dread Pirate Roberts had been logging in to the Silk Road.

“Oh, that’s interesting,” Mr. Turner deadpanned.

“That’s the guy,” Mr. Tarbell said.



The agreement among the agents on the phone that day allowed Mr. Alford to get his wish to put Mr. Ulbricht under full surveillance. Within days, the agents had established that Dread Pirate Roberts was logging into the Silk Road just moments after Mr. Ulbricht was going online in his apartment.

In New York, Mr. Turner and Mr. Tarbell began writing up the complaint against Mr. Ulbricht. In it, they referred to Mr. Alford as Agent 1.

On Oct. 2, Mr. Tarbell and Mr. Der-Yeghiayan helped apprehend Mr. Ulbricht at a public library in San Francisco. Mr. Alford could not be there because of travel-budget restrictions that applied to him but not other investigators on the team.

After the arrest, though, his role in the case was recognized with a plaque from his superiors featuring a quotation from Sherlock Holmes: “The world is full of obvious things which nobody by chance ever observes.”

Attorney Ethics, Confidentiality and Discipline in New Jersey: R.M. and "Jane Doe"

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R.M. v. Supreme Court of New Jersey, et al.

Annotate this Case
SYLLABUS
(This syllabus is not part of the opinion of the Court. It has been prepared by the Office of the Clerk for the convenience of the reader. It has been neither reviewed nor approved by the Supreme Court. Please note that, in the interests of brevity, portions of any opinion may not have been summarized).
 
R.M. v. Supreme Court of New Jersey, et al. (A-89-04)
 
 
Argued May 2, 2005 -- Decided October 19, 2005

JUSTICE ZAZZALI writing for the Court.
 
In this matter, R.M. challenges the constitutionality of Supreme Court Rule 1:20-9, which mandates that an ethics grievance filed against an attorney remains confidential until a formal complaint is filed.
R.M. retained New Jersey attorney "Jane Doe" to represent her in a legal matter. She subsequently filed a grievance against Doe with the District XIII Ethics Committee (DEC). The grievance form cautioned R.M. that she had to keep all communications concerning the grievance confidential "until and unless a complaint is issued and served."
During the DEC's investigation, Doe admitted specific acts of misconduct in connection with her representation of R.M. Pursuant to established procedures, the DEC Chair reviewed the matter and determined that Doe was eligible for "diversion" because her ethical violations were minor and were not likely to result in a discipline greater than an admonition.
The DEC informed R.M. that although Doe had accepted diversion, the matter would remain confidential under Rule 1:20-9(a).
R.M. sued the Supreme Court, the Office of Attorney Ethics, the District XIII Ethics Committee, and "Jane Doe," alleging that the rule violates the free speech provisions of the United States and New Jersey Constitutions by restricting R.M.'s ability to discuss her grievance against Doe. R.M. indicated that if confidentiality were lifted, she would publicize the facts that she filed the grievance, that the Chair of the DEC concluded there was a reasonable prospect of finding Doe guilty of minor ethical misconduct, and that Doe had entered into a diversion agreement. In particular, R.M. seeks to announce this information at a public meeting of the governmental body on which Doe serves and at other public forums.
The Supreme Court certified the case directly to the Superior Court, Law Division, pursuant to Rule 2:12-1. Prior to hearing oral argument on the matter, the Court asked its Professional Responsibility Rules Committee (PRRC) to review the issues raised by the parties, solicit comments, and submit findings to the Court. The PRRC filed a report with the Court in which it recommended that investigations should remain confidential until completed. The PRRC also proposed that if the Court were to limit the scope of confidentiality, it should eliminate the existing absolute immunity for grievants.
HELD: As written and as applied, Rule 1:20-9 violates the First Amendment because it is not narrowly tailored to serve a compelling interest. A grievant may discuss publicly the fact that he or she has filed a grievance, the content of that grievance, and the result of the process. The Court's holding applies retroactively to all grievances currently being processed by the attorney disciplinary system. The confidentiality of concluded matters shall, however, remain in effect.
1. The overarching goal of the attorney disciplinary system is to protect the public from unfit lawyers and to promote public confidence in the legal system. A grievance is initially handled by the DEC Secretary. The Secretary dockets the grievance if the allegations, assuming they are true, amount to misconduct. Once docketed, the grievance is assigned to a member of the DEC for investigation. At the conclusion of the investigation, the member reports to the Chair of the DEC, who determines whether the DEC should either file a formal complaint against the respondent attorney or dismiss the matter. In addition, if the Chair were to determine that there is misconduct but that it would not result in a sanction greater than an admonition, the matter would qualify for "diversion." In such a case, the attorney would have to sign an agreement in lieu of discipline. Fulfillment of the terms of the agreement would result in the dismissal of the matter. If the attorney were to fail to comply with the agreement, the matter would proceed under a formal complaint for discipline.
Formal complaints are considered by three-member panels of the DEC. At least one member of each panel is a layperson. Each panel's hearings are public. If a panel recommends discipline, the matter is referred to the Director of the Office of Attorney Ethics (OAE) for transmittal to the Disciplinary Review Board (DRB). The DRB reviews all appeals and recommendations for discipline and conducts public hearings on the latter. It then files its determinations with the Supreme Court, which issues an Order to Show Cause in cases in which disbarment is recommended by the DRB. In all other cases, the Court may further review the matter or accept the DRB's decision as submitted. (pp. 5-8)
2. Supreme Court Rule 1:20-9 contains the confidentiality provisions for the attorney disciplinary system. Confidentiality applies, with certain enumerated exceptions, to all matters that have not reached the formal complaint stage. (pp. 8-9)
3. The United States Supreme Court has had many opportunities to review the concept of "free speech" under the First Amendment. To sustain a governmental proscription of the publication of truthful speech, the State has the burden of demonstrating that its action furthers a "compelling interest." Beyond that, the State also must show that the regulation is "narrowly tailored" to achieve its compelling interest. (pp. 10-11)
4. The State argues that maintaining confidentiality in attorney disciplinary proceedings prior to the issuance of a formal complaint furthers three compelling interests: 1) protecting the reputations of lawyers who are unfairly accused of wrongdoing; 2) encouraging attorneys who have committed minor misconduct to agree to diversion; and 3) preserving the integrity of the disciplinary system and its investigative process. After analyzing each of the arguments raised by the State, the Court has concluded that none of them presents "compelling interests" that are "narrowly tailored" for achievement. (pp. 17-28)
5. Although the Court's decision invalidates the confidentiality provisions of Rule 1:20-9, there are still means by which the disciplinary system can further an attorney's interest in confidentiality without violating the First Amendment: 1) A DEC can recommend that the grievant maintain confidentiality during the investigatory stage and the grievant can agree to do so when it is in his or her best interest; 2) There may be some disciplinary investigations in which the need for secrecy is paramount and the potential harm from premature disclosure is so great that on a showing of specific and articulable facts the investigator may have good cause to seek an order compelling the grievant to keep confidential the investigatory proceedings; and 3) Although grievants are absolutely immune from suit for filing an ethics grievance or making statements within the context of subsequent disciplinary proceedings, they are not immune for statements made outside the context of a disciplinary matter, such as to the media or in another public forum. Accordingly, grievants who falsely smear an attorney in public do so at their own peril and may face defamation actions in appropriate cases. (pp. 28-29)
6. On the subject of retroactivity of the new Rule, the Court finds that full retroactivity would impose an undue hardship on participants who justifiably relied on the old Rule. Although the preexisting confidentiality Rule shall remain in effect for concluded matters, a purely prospective application of the new Rule would unnecessarily inhibit otherwise free speech. Therefore, the Court holds that the new Rule shall have "pipeline" retroactivity. It shall apply to all future cases and to all matters that are now pending in the attorney disciplinary system. R.M. is entitled to the benefit of this ruling. She is permitted to discuss her grievance against Jane Doe, the subsequent ethics proceedings, and the outcome. (pp. 30-31)
7. A grievant may speak publicly regarding the fact that a grievance was filed, the content of that grievance, and the result of the process. The fact that a matter was subject to diversion is no longer confidential, but the contents of the diversion agreement are not to be disclosed. Documents that are gathered during the ethics proceedings are not to be released publicly by disciplinary officials except as provide by Rule 1:20-9(a), (i). The Court refers its opinion to the Professional Responsibility Rules Committee to draft appropriate Rule amendments. Until formal amendments have been drafted and approved, the Court's opinion shall serve as interim rules governing the questions of confidentiality addressed herein. (pp. 32-33)
The matter is REMANDED to the Professional Responsibility Rules Committee to draft implementing amendments to Rule 1:20-9.
CHIEF JUSTICE PORITZ, filing a separate CONCURRING opinion in which JUSTICES LONG, ALBIN, and WALLACE join, notes that the question of immunity for grievants, raised by the Professional Responsibility Rules Committee in its report, is not properly before the Court. She believes that the rationale behind the Court's 1984 decision on grievant immunity -- that is, that immunity fosters public trust in our attorney disciplinary system and that it reduces concerns that "non-malicious potential complainants" may be deterred from filing grievances because of a fear of retaliation by the attorney -- is as valid today as it was in 1984. She sees no reason to seek further guidance from the PRRC.
JUSTICE ZAZZALI, filing a CONCURRING opinion in which JUSTICES LaVECCHIA and RIVERA-SOTO join, agrees that the immunity issue was not raised by the parties or by the Court in granting certification of the case. He would, however, remand the matter to the PRRC to provide a detailed basis for its recommendation that immunity be abrogated.
CHIEF JUSTICE PORITZ and ASSOCIATE JUSTICES LONG, LaVECCHIA, ALBIN, WALLACE, and RIVERA-SOTO join in JUSTICE ZAZZALI's opinion. On the issue of immunity for grievants, CHIEF JUSTICE PORITZ has filed a separate CONCURRING opinion in which JUSTICES LONG, ALBIN, and WALLACE join, and JUSTICE ZAZZALI has filed a separate CONCURRING opinion in which JUSTICES LaVECCHIA and RIVERA-SOTO join. 

 

SUPREME COURT OF NEW JERSEY
A- 89 September Term 2004
 
 
R.M.,
Plaintiff-Appellant,
v.
 
SUPREME COURT OF NEW JERSEY, DISTRICT XIII ETHICS COMMITTEE and OFFICE OF ATTORNEY ETHICS,
Defendants-Respondents,
and
JANE DOE,
Defendant.
Argued May 2, 2005 Decided October 19, 2005
On certification to the Superior Court, Law Division, Mercer County.
Richard M. Gutman argued the cause for appellant.
Carol Johnston, Senior Deputy Attorney General, argued the cause for respondents (Peter C. Harvey, Attorney General of New Jersey, attorney; Patrick DeAlmeida, Assistant Attorney General, of counsel).
Frederick J. Dennehy argued the cause for amicus curiae, New Jersey State Bar Association (Edwin J. McCreedy, President, attorney).
JUSTICE ZAZZALI delivered the opinion of the Court.
In this matter, R.M. challenges the constitutionality of Rule 1:20-9, which mandates that a grievance filed against an attorney remains confidential until a formal complaint is filed. She contends that the rule is an impermissible restraint on free speech because it prevents her from making truthful statements about the ethics process, including the fact that she filed a grievance. R.M. also argues that Rule 1:20-9 unduly suppresses criticism of the system of attorney discipline.
We agree that, as written and as applied, Rule 1:20-9 violates the First Amendment because it is not narrowly tailored to serve a compelling interest. We hold that a grievant may discuss publicly the fact that he or she filed a grievance, the content of that grievance, and the result of the process. Our holding applies retroactively to all grievances currently being processed by the disciplinary system. The confidentiality of concluded matters, however, shall remain in effect.
I.
Background
 
Plaintiff R.M. retained New Jersey attorney Jane Doe to represent her in a legal matter. R.M. subsequently filed a grievance against Doe with the District XIII Ethics Committee (District). The grievance form that R.M. submitted cautioned her that
[u]nder Supreme Court Rule 1:20-9(a), once you file this grievance form you are REQUIRED thereafter to keep all communications about this ethics matter CONFIDENTIAL during the investigation until and unless a complaint is issued and served. Only at that time does confidentiality end and the matter become public. This investigative confidentiality does not prevent you from discussing the facts underlying your grievance with, or reporting them to, any other person or agency. However, during the investigation you may not disclose the fact that you have filed an ethics grievance to persons other than members of the attorney disciplinary system, except to discuss the case with other witnesses or to consult an attorney.
During the District s investigation, Doe admitted specific acts of misconduct in connection with her representation of R.M. The District chair determined that Doe had committed minor ethical violations that would likely result in a public admonition and that Doe was therefore eligible for diversion. Diversion is a non-disciplinary treatment by consent for attorneys who admit they have committed minor unethical conduct. R. 1:20 (Official Glossary of Attorney Discipline Terms). The District then informed R.M. that, although Doe had accepted diversion, this matter remains confidential pursuant to . . . [Rule] 1:20-9(a). 
R.M. subsequently sued this Court, the District, the Office of Attorney Ethics (OAE), and Jane Doe, alleging that Rule 1:20-9 violates the free speech provisions of the United States and New Jersey Constitutions by restricting R.M. s ability to discuss her grievance against Doe. R.M. has indicated that if confidentiality is lifted, she intends to publicize the fact that she filed the grievance, that the chair of the District determined that there was a reasonable prospect of a finding of misconduct by clear and convincing evidence, and that Doe admitted to minor unethical conduct and entered into a diversion agreement. In particular, R.M. seeks to announce this information at a public meeting of the governmental body on which Doe serves and in other public forums.
Pursuant to Rule 2:12-1, we certified this matter directly to determine whether Rule 1:20-9 is unconstitutional. The State, represented by the Attorney General, submitted a brief on behalf of the Court, the OAE, and the District. The New Jersey State Bar Association (NJSBA) participated as amicus curiae. During the pendency of the litigation, we requested that the Professional Responsibility Rules Committee (PRRC) review the issues raised by the parties, solicit comments from other interested persons and groups, and submit findings to the Court. The PRRC submitted a memorandum and summary letter, in which it recommended that investigations should remain confidential until completed. Although not part of the submission, PRRC also proposed that if the Court limits the scope of the confidentiality requirement, then the Court should eliminate absolute immunity for grievants.
II.
 
Before addressing the constitutionality of Rule 1:20-9, we begin with an overview of the attorney disciplinary system in New Jersey.
A.
General Attorney Discipline Procedures
 
This Court has both the authority and obligation to oversee the discipline of attorneys admitted to the New Jersey Bar. N.J. Const. art. 6, 2, 3; see also R. 1:20-1(a) ( Every [New Jersey] attorney . . . shall be subject to the disciplinary jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. . . . ). We exercise our authority through the OAE, the Disciplinary Review Board (DRB), the Disciplinary Oversight Committee, the District Ethics Committees, and the fee arbitration committees. R. 1:20-1(a). The overarching goal of the disciplinary system is to protect the public from unfit lawyers and promote public confidence in our legal system. In re Gallo, 178 N.J. 115, 122 (2003).
A grievance against an attorney is handled at the initial stage by a District Ethics Committee secretary. R. 1:20-3(d). The secretary must evaluate all information received by inquiry, grievance or from other sources alleging attorney unethical conduct or incapacity. R. 1:20-3(e)(1). The secretary dockets the grievance if the allegations, assuming they are true, amount to misconduct. Ibid. Once a matter is docketed, a member of a District Ethics Committee is assigned to investigate. R. 1:20-3(g)(1). At the conclusion of the initial investigation, the investigator must provide a written report, including a recommendation, to the chair of the District Ethics Committee. R. 1:20-3(h). The chair must then determine whether there is a reasonable prospect of a finding of unethical conduct by clear and convincing evidence. See footnote 1 R. 1:20-4(a); see also R. 1:20-3(h). If there is not, the matter is dismissed, and the facts and reasons for dismissal are provided to the respondent attorney, the grievant, and the Director of the OAE. R. 1:20-3(h). On the other hand, if the chair concludes that evidence supports a finding that the respondent attorney committed unethical conduct, then the chair must classify the attorney s actions as either minor unethical conduct or unethical conduct. R. 1:20-3(i)(1).
Minor unethical conduct involves actions by the respondent attorney that, if proven, would not warrant a sanction greater than a public admonition. R. 1:20-3(i)(2)(A). Upon such a finding, the District Ethics Committee chair may request that the OAE Director divert the matter and approve an agreement in lieu of discipline. R. 1:20-3(i)(2)(B)(iii). The agreement may impose certain conditions on the respondent attorney, including reimbursement of fees or costs, completion of legal work, participation in [an] alcohol or drug rehabilitation program, psychological counseling or satisfactory completion of a course of study. Ibid. Fulfillment of the terms of the agreement will result in dismissal of the ethics matter. Ibid. If the attorney fails to comply with the agreement, the matter will be reinstated and processed as unethical conduct. R. 1:20-3(i)(2)(C). The chair of the District Ethics Committee notifies the grievant that the matter has been diverted, and the grievant may submit comments to the Director. R. 1:20-3(i)(2)(B)(i). The existence and substance of the diversion agreement remain confidential. R. 1:20-9(a).
Unethical conduct involves a more serious breach of attorney ethics, such as when the respondent attorney commits a crime or an act involving dishonesty, fraud, or deceit; takes action that could result in substantial prejudice to a client or other person without restitution by the attorney; or knowingly misappropriates funds. R. 1:20-3(i)(2)(A). Unless the respondent attorney agrees to discipline by consent, a formal complaint is issued by either the District Ethics Committee or the OAE Director. R. 1:20-3(i)(3)(B); R. 1:20-4. A three-member panel then conducts public hearings, R. 1:20-6(a)(1), (c)(2)(F), after which the panel may dismiss the complaint, recommend an admonition, or recommend more severe discipline, R. 1:20-6(c)(2)(E). If the panel recommends discipline, the matter is referred to the OAE Director for transmittal to the DRB. R. 1:20-6(c)(2)(E)(ii), (iii). The DRB reviews any appeals and recommendations for discipline, R. 1:20-15(e), (f), and makes specific determinations on the appropriate sanctions to be imposed, including suspensions, censures, reprimands, and admonitions, R. 1:20-15A(a)(2) to (6). When the DRB concludes that disbarment is warranted, it must present the matter to the Supreme Court as a recommendation. R. 1:20-16(a). Finally, in addition to the consideration of recommendations for disbarment, the Court may review all other DRB determinations. R. 1:20-16(b).
B.
Confidentiality Under Rule 1:20-9
 
We now briefly summarize the confidentiality provisions at issue in this appeal. Rule 1:20-9 requires that all participants in a disciplinary proceeding, including disciplinary officials and employees, maintain the confidentiality of all grievances that do not result in the filing of formal complaints, including matters that are diverted or dismissed. R. 1:20-9(a), (h). There are five exceptions to the confidentiality rule: (1) the respondent attorney has waived or breached confidentiality; (2) the proceeding is based on allegations of reciprocal discipline, a pending criminal charge, or a guilty plea or conviction of a crime; (3) there is a need to notify a person or organization in order to protect the public, the administration of justice, or the legal profession; (4) this Court has granted an emergent disciplinary application for relief; or (5) the matter has become common knowledge to the public. R. 1:20-9(a)(1) to (5). The parties concede, and we agree, that none of these exceptions apply in this matter.
Rule 1:20-9(a) also mandates that all written records received and made pursuant to [the disciplinary] rules shall be confidential. The rules specify that public records of an attorney s discipline are to include a complaint, a motion for final or reciprocal discipline, or the approval of a motion for discipline by consent, as well as all documents and records filed subsequently. R. 1:20-9(c)(1). Those records are made available for public inspection once a formal complaint is filed against the respondent attorney. Ibid.
III.
 
With that summary of the attorney disciplinary process as our cynosure, we now examine First Amendment principles and case law that address the constitutionality of confidentiality rules in the context of professional disciplinary systems.
A.
 
The First Amendment provides that Congress shall make no law . . . abridging the freedom of speech. U.S. Const. amend. I. The Free Speech Clause is applicable to the states through the Fourteenth Amendment. Bigelow v. Virginia, 421 U.S. 809, 811, 95 S. Ct. 2222, 2227, 44 L. Ed. 2d 600, 605 (1975); see also Township of Pennsauken v. Schad, 160 N.J. 156, 176 (1999) (holding protections of New Jersey Constitution s free speech clause co-extensive with First Amendment). Far from safeguarding only profound statements on topics of great import, the First Amendment protects [a]ll ideas having even the slightest redeeming social importance. Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476, 484, 77 S. Ct. 1304, 1309, 1 L. Ed. 2d 1498, 1507 (1957).
Although the protection of speech is not absolute, City Council of L.A. v. Taxpayers for Vincent, 466 U.S. 789, 812, 104 S. Ct. 2118, 2132, 80 L. Ed. 2d 772, 791 (1984), laws that punish the dissemination of truthful information are generally presumed to be constitutionally infirm, Smith v. Daily Mail Publ g Co., 443 U.S. 97, 102, 99 S. Ct. 2667, 2670, 61 L. Ed. 2d 399, 404 (1979). To sustain government proscription of the publication of truthful speech, the State has the burden of demonstrating that the law furthers a compelling interest. First Nat l Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, 435 U.S. 765, 786, 98 S. Ct. 1407, 1421, 55 L. Ed. 2d 707, 724 (1978). Moreover, even if the regulation of speech advances a compelling interest, the State must also show that the regulation is narrowly tailored to achieve that interest. Shelton v. Tucker, 364 U.S. 479, 488, 81 S. Ct. 247, 252, 5 L. Ed. 2d 231, 237 (1960).
B.
 
Guided by that background law, several courts have addressed whether the confidentiality provisions of judicial and attorney disciplinary systems violate the Free Speech Clause.
The United States Supreme Court held unconstitutional, as applied to the news media, a state law that criminally punished anyone who disclosed information about judicial ethics proceedings. Landmark Commc ns, Inc. v. Virginia, 435 U.S. 829, 98 S. Ct. 1535, 56 L. Ed. 2d 1 (1978). In Landmark, supra, a Virginia newspaper published an accurate article reporting that a state judge was the subject of a pending disciplinary investigation. Id. at 831, 98 S. Ct. at 1535, 56 L. Ed. 2d at 6. The newspaper was subsequently convicted under a Virginia statute making it unlawful to identify any judge who was the subject of an investigation by the state commission. Ibid. The newspaper challenged the law, claiming that the statute violated the First Amendment. Virginia argued that maintaining the confidentiality of the judicial disciplinary system was a compelling interest because investigations of misconduct would be impeded and the reputation of judges unjustly discredited if accusations of judicial wrongdoing were permitted to circulate among the public. Id. at 840, 98 S. Ct. at 1542, 56 L. Ed. 2d at 11. The State further contended that criminal sanctions were the only way to ensure that the guarantee of confidentiality is more than an empty promise. Ibid.
The Supreme Court disagreed. Although acknowledging that the State had an interest in protecting the reputations of judges, the Court emphasized that that interest did not justify repressing speech that would otherwise be free. Id. at 841-42, 98 S. Ct. at 1543, 56 L. Ed. 2d at 12 (quoting N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 272-73, 84 S. Ct. 710, 722, 11 L. Ed. 2d 686, 702 (1964). To the contrary,
[t]he assumption that respect for the judiciary can be won by shielding judges from published criticism wrongly appraises the character of American public opinion. . . . [A]n enforced silence, however limited, solely in the name of preserving the dignity of the bench, would probably engender resentment, suspicion, and contempt much more than it would enhance respect.
[Ibid. (quoting Bridges v. California, 314 U.S. 252, 270-71, 62 S. Ct. 190, 197, 86 L. Ed. 192, 207 (1941)).]
The Court recognized that greater public scrutiny of the courts, not less, served to guard against the miscarriage of justice, and that the frank and open discussion of judicial conduct was precisely the type of speech that the First Amendment was adopted to protect. Id. at 839, 98 S. Ct. at 1541-42, 56 L. Ed. 2d at 11 (internal quotation marks omitted). Although the Court in Landmark noted that its decision was limited to the specific issue before it, third-party confidentiality, we are persuaded that the Court s analysis is equally applicable to grievant confidentiality.
In a recent trilogy of cases, courts invalidated or modified state attorney ethics confidentiality rules because the rules were not narrowly tailored to achieve a compelling interest. See Doe v. Sup. Ct., 734 F. Supp. 981 (S.D. Fla. 1990); Doe v. Doe, 127 S.W.3d 728 (Tenn. 2004); Petition of Brooks, 678 A.2d 140 (N.H. 1996). In Doe v. Supreme Court, supra, a grievant challenged a court rule that imposed confidentiality in respect of Florida s attorney disciplinary system at all times. 734 F. Supp. at 983. The State asserted that confidentiality promoted the filing of complaints and encouraged witnesses to cooperate, but the court disagreed:
Why a complainant would be more inclined to file a grievance against his lawyer, with the knowledge that he is thereby forever barred from speaking publicly about the grievance, is unclear. Indeed, it is just as likely that potential claimants would be dissuaded from initiating disciplinary proceedings if they reasonably believed that filing a petition . . . would subject them to a perpetual bar from speaking out about the grievance. Thus, an equally compelling assertion can be made that the effect of [the confidentiality rule], along with the attendant threat that violators of the rule will be held in contempt of court, may actually serve to discourage the filing of complaints, surely a result not in harmony with the regulations intended purpose.
[Id. at 985.]
The court, citing Landmark, also rejected the State s argument that protecting the reputation of attorneys was a compelling interest: If maintaining the reputation of the judiciary as an abstract end is insufficient to justify encroaching upon the robust exercise of free speech, then maintaining the reputation of lawyers or the Bar is . . . equally insufficient. Id. at 986 (emphasis added). Finally, the State maintained that confidentiality was required to protect the investigatory process. Id. at 987. Although the court acknowledged that protecting ongoing investigations was surely worthy, it was troubled by the confidentiality rule s sweep and breadth because public discussion remained stifled even after a claim was found to have merit. Ibid.
In Doe v. Doe, supra, the Supreme Court of Tennessee rejected similar arguments made in support of a confidentiality provision that applied to the entire state attorney ethics process -- complaint, investigation, hearing and judgment. 127 S.W.3d at 732. The State advanced three interests that it considered compelling: protection of attorney reputations, preservation of grievant and witness privacy, and safeguarding of pending proceedings. Id. at 733. The court, however, concluded that even if any of these interests were deemed compelling, the rule was not narrowly tailored because it precluded speech about meritless and meritorious complaints alike. Id. at 736.
The New Hampshire Supreme Court, in Brooks, supra, overturned a court rule that prevented the disclosure of information about disciplinary proceedings. 678 A.2d at 142-43. The court disposed of justifications such as preservation of lawyer reputations and protection of investigative integrity by concluding that the rule was overbroad. Id. at 144-45. The State further argued that the rule served interests in preserving informal discipline and in encouraging the resignation of investigated attorneys. Id. at 144. The court, however, concluded that any gain in efficiency or attorney cooperation resulting from those outcomes was not sufficiently compelling to justify restriction of a complainant s fundamental right to free expression. Id. at 145. See footnote 2
IV.
Constitutionality of Rule 1:20-9
 
We now address whether Rule 1:20-9 violates the First Amendment. The parties and amicus agree that the rule is a content-specific restriction on speech because it prohibits comment on a particular topic, that is, a given disciplinary matter and the associated written records. Therefore, the State bears the burden of demonstrating that the rule is necessary to serve a compelling interest and that it is narrowly tailored to achieve that end.
A.
 
The State argues that maintaining confidentiality in disciplinary proceedings until the filing of a formal ethics complaint furthers three compelling interests: (1) protecting the reputations of lawyers who are unfairly accused of wrongdoing; (2) encouraging attorneys who have committed minor misconduct to agree to diversion; and (3) preserving the integrity of the disciplinary system and its investigative process. We address each argument below.
Protection of Attorneys Reputations
 
It is undisputed that an attorney s reputation is his or her currency. A client s decision to retain a lawyer is based predominantly, if not exclusively, on the lawyer s good professional standing. Because of the nature of the practice of law, even the finest lawyers are bound to draw the ire of clients who are dissatisfied with the course of the representation or the outcome of a matter. Accordingly, it is understandable that the State, the OAE, and the NJSBA propose that the protection of attorneys from unfounded accusations of misconduct is a compelling interest.
Although we are sympathetic to the plight of attorneys whose reputations are sullied, preventing reputational injuries is an insufficient reason for repressing speech that would otherwise be free. Landmark, supra, 435 U.S. at 841-42, 98 S. Ct. at 1543, 56 L. Ed. 2d at 12 (quoting N.Y. Times, supra, 376 U.S. at 272-73, 84 S. Ct. at 722, 11 L. Ed. 2d at 702); see also Doe v. Sup. Ct., supra, 734 F. Supp. at 988 (expressing doubt that suppression of truthful criticism of lawyers would somehow enhance or protect the reputation of the Bar ). Even if safeguarding the good repute of lawyers was sufficiently compelling, Rule 1:20-9 is not narrowly tailored because it sweeps in far more speech than is necessary to achieve that objective when it punishes discussion of grievances found to have merit. See Doe v. Doe, supra, 127 S.W 3d at 734-35 ( [A] confidentiality provision precluding the disclosure of both frivolous and non-frivolous complaints is not sufficiently narrowly tailored . . . . ).
The State further contends that even if speech about meritorious grievances cannot be restrained, meritless complaints deserve no such protection. According to the State, [p]ublication of grievances that are dismissed or unsubstantiated does not serve the purpose of protecting potential clients of the charged attorney, since the attorney has not been found to have acted unethically. To the contrary, if an attorney is cleared of unethical conduct, then his or her interest in suppressing the existence of an accusation is greatly diminished. Cf. Butterworth v. Smith, 494 U.S. 624, 632, 110 S. Ct. 1376, 1381, 108 L. Ed. 2d 572, 581-82 (1990) (stating that grand jury secrecy is no longer necessary once targeted individual has been exonerated). Indeed, revelation that the grievance was baseless should in most cases reassure clients and the public that the attorney did nothing wrong. Cf. N.Y. Times, supra, 376 U.S. at 279 n.19, 84 S. Ct. at 729 n.19, 11 L. Ed. 2d at 706 n.19 ( [T]he clearer perception and livelier impression of truth [is] produced by its collision with error. (internal quotation marks omitted)).
The current rules, however, bar the grievant from ever discussing a dismissal of his or her grievance. Shielding dismissed grievances behind a permanent wall of silence does less to enhance respect for the legal profession and the ethics process than it does to engender resentment, suspicion, and contempt. Landmark, supra, 435 U.S. at 842, 98 S. Ct. at 1543, 56 L. Ed. 2d at 12 (quoting Bridges, supra, 314 U.S. at 270-71, 62 S. Ct. at 197, 86 L. Ed. at 207). We conclude, therefore, that even when the ethics authorities deem a grievance to be meritless, the grievant has the constitutional right to discuss and disagree with the determination of those authorities.
Encouragement of Diversion
 
According to the State, Rule 1:20-9 advances the salutary goals of resolving minor ethical matters through diversion in lieu of further disciplinary proceedings. We recognize the value of encouraging attorneys to cooperate with an investigation, remedy past harm, and take measures to prevent a future lapse of judgment or competence. However, the State s interest in achieving a matter s speedy resolution does not justify infringing a grievant s free exercise of truthful speech. Brooks, supra, 678 A.2d at 145. The goal of the disciplinary system -- protecting the public from unethical attorneys -- is not served by suppressing accurate statements about actual misconduct, even if minor. Furthermore, a broad reading of the rule would preclude a grievant from publicly expressing his or her belief that the disciplinary system treated the respondent attorney s misconduct too lightly. Criticism of such a quasi-governmental body is entitled to the widest room for discussion [and] the narrowest range for its restriction. State v. Miller, 83 N.J. 402, 412 (1980) (quoting Thomas v. Collins, 323 U.S. 516, 530, 65 S. Ct. 315, 323, 89 L. Ed. 430, 440 (1945)).
Integrity of Pending Investigations
 
The State also asserts that confidentiality helps guarantee the integrity of pending investigations by encouraging the cooperation of witnesses, enabling a full and thorough review of the matter, and promoting the filing of grievances. To accomplish those objectives, the State insists that a grievant cannot be permitted to disclose that he or she filed a grievance. We disagree. Although undoubtedly legitimate interests, they are not sufficiently compelling to justify restricting grievants speech. Further, even if those interests could be considered compelling, Rule 1:20-9 is not narrowly tailored to achieve them.
We first consider the claim that maintaining confidentiality encourages witnesses to fully cooperate with ongoing investigations. The State argues that secrecy in ethics proceedings is a compelling interest because, like grand jury secrecy, it promotes free and untrammeled disclosures by witnesses. United States v. Rose, 215 F.2d 617, 628-29 (3d Cir. 1954). However, the justifications for grand jury secrecy are simply not present in a disciplinary investigation. Grand jury proceedings are kept secret from a suspect in order to prevent him or her from fleeing and to protect witnesses from intimidation or bribes. Douglas Oil Co. of Cal. v. Petrol Stops Nw., 441 U.S. 211, 219, 99 S. Ct 1667, 1673, 60 L. Ed. 2d 156, 165 (1979). In an ethics proceeding the respondent attorney is notified that allegations of unethical conduct have been reported, R. 1:20-3(g)(2), is informed of the substance of that grievance, ibid., and is generally entitled to the identity and contact information of the grievant and potential witnesses, R. 1:20-5(a)(2)(D). The attorney also may obtain copies of any witness statements and summaries thereof. R. 1:20-5(a)(2)(B). Thus, from the outset, the respondent attorney knows what the charges are, who made them, and who can corroborate them.
Furthermore, the scope of grand jury secrecy is narrower than the confidentiality provision in Rule 1:20-9. In the grand jury context, the obligation to keep an investigation secret extends only to the prosecutor, the grand jurors, and court staff. R. 3:6-7. A crime victim who makes a report to the police is not required to keep that fact confidential, and witnesses who appear before the grand jury are not prohibited from discussing the content of their own testimony. Ibid.; see also United States v. Sells Eng g, Inc., 463 U.S. 418, 425, 103 S. Ct. 3133, 3139, 77 L. Ed. 2d 743, 753 (1983) (explaining that under analogous federal rule, witnesses are generally not prohibited from disclosing their own testimony). In contrast, under Rule 1:20-9(a) and (h), all participants, including grievants, are barred from divulging that a grievance has been filed and that an investigation is underway. Such a prohibition not only exceeds the extent of secrecy traditionally afforded grand jury hearings, but is uniquely broad among the State s other systems of professional discipline. In New Jersey, over seventy professions are subject to regulation, but, as the State acknowledges, only persons who file ethics charges against attorneys are prohibited from discussing their grievances. Compare R. 1:20-9, with N.J.S.A. 45:1-1 to -27.
Even assuming that encouraging witnesses to cooperate with disciplinary authorities is a compelling interest, Rule 1:20-9 is not narrowly tailored to achieve that end. As the Supreme Court recognized in Landmark, supra, the risks associated with premature disclosure of an investigation can be largely eliminated through careful internal procedures that protect confidentiality. 435 U.S. at 845, 98 S. Ct. at 1545, 56 L. Ed 2d at 14 (emphasis added). At a minimum, we can and do require disciplinary authorities themselves to keep the existence and substance of an investigation secret, see R. 1:20-9(h), and nothing in the First Amendment prevents us from imposing this obligation, see Pickering v. Bd. of Educ., 391 U.S. 563, 568, 88 S. Ct. 1731, 1734, 20 L. Ed 2d 811, 817 (1968) ( [T]he State has interests as an employer in regulating the speech of its employees that differ significantly from those it possesses in connection with regulation of the speech of the citizenry in general. ). And, although we recognize that voluntary cooperation by witnesses is desirable, their testimony can be secured by means that are less restrictive of a grievant s speech. For example, as with grand jury investigations, a subpoena can be issued to compel the appearance of a reluctant witness. R. 1:20-3(g)(6); see also Butterworth, supra, 494 U.S. at 634, 110 S. Ct. at 1382, 108 L. Ed. 2d at 582 ( [S]ubpoena and contempt powers [are] available to bring recalcitrant witnesses to the stand. ); Doe v. Doe, supra, 127 S.W 3d at 736 (concluding that because subpoenas are available, guarantee of confidentiality has little additional effect ). Further, all witnesses appearing at disciplinary hearings are duly sworn, R. 1:20-6(c)(2)(A), providing reasonable assurance that they will testify fully and frankly, Douglas Oil, supra, 441 U.S. at 219, 99 S. Ct. at 1673, 60 L. Ed 2d at 165. See also Butterworth, supra, 494 U.S. at 633, 110 S. Ct. at 1382, 108 L. Ed. 2d at 582 (stating that perjury laws eliminate need for speech-restrictive rules intended to promote truthful testimony).
The State further argues that confidentiality protects the ability of disciplinary authorities to make a full and fair investigation -- an objective that overlaps substantially with the interest in promoting witness cooperation. Certainly, disclosure that an investigation is ongoing has the potential to invite the exertion of outside influence. However, that possibility is speculative. In any event, the risk of coercion can be minimized by the same procedures that ensure witness cooperation: the use of subpoenas and the imposition of criminal sanctions for witness tampering, destruction of evidence, and attempts to unduly pressure officials. See ibid.
Finally, the State asserts that encouraging persons to file grievances is a compelling interest that is furthered by investigative confidentiality. To be sure, the reporting of attorney misconduct is of extreme importance for both the protection of the public and the success of the legal system. And, as a general rule, a grievant will be more likely to report unethical conduct by an attorney if disciplinary authorities are prohibited from revealing publicly the grievant s identity or the substance of the grievance. However, imposing on grievants the same obligation of nondisclosure provides little, if any, added benefit. The lawyer who may be the target of the complaint surely will learn about the grievance and the identity of the complainant, whether the procedures are deemed confidential or not. Doe v. Sup. Ct., supra, 734 F. Supp. at 985. Furthermore, as this matter demonstrates, not all grievants desire anonymity, and indeed, some grievants may be deterred from filing ethics complaints because they are forbidden from publicizing that fact. See ibid. (noting that perpetual bar from speaking out about [a] grievance may actually discourage filing of grievances). A more narrowly drawn rule would encourage, rather than require, grievants to preserve confidentiality. See ibid.; Brooks, supra, 678 A.2d at 145. In that way, a grievant who wishes to avoid public attention can curtail his or her own speech, free from government encroachment. Cf. Butterworth, supra, 494 U.S. at 633, 110 S. Ct. at 1382, 108 L. Ed. 2d at 582 (holding that interest in protecting grand jury witnesses from retribution is not advanced by prohibition against witness discussion of own testimony; any witness is free not to divulge his own testimony ).
B.
 
We conclude that Rule 1:20-9, as written and as applied, violates the First Amendment because it is not narrowly tailored to advance a compelling interest. Protecting the reputations of attorneys and the bar does not justify restricting a grievant s speech, and, in fact, such restrictions breed resentment rather than respect. Additionally, the confidentiality rule seeks to protect not only the reputation of the affected lawyer, but also the disciplinary process itself. Rule 1:20-9 imposes a period of enforced silence upon the filing of the grievance during which time the grievant cannot discuss the fact that he or she has filed a grievance or, more important, criticize the District Ethics Committees for unreasonably delaying the investigation of the allegedly errant lawyer. Restraining criticism of the District Ethics Committees cannot survive First Amendment scrutiny. Indeed, we delegate to the District Ethics Committees the responsibility to police members of the legal profession, and both this Court and those committees are part of the government that the public has a right to discuss and debate. The judiciary is no more immune from the reach of the First Amendment than the executive or legislative branches.
Furthermore, although diversion is a valued component of the attorney ethics process, forbidding a grievant from discussing a grievance simply because the process resulted in diversion risks suppressing criticism of our disciplinary system. Fostering an environment where individuals are free to criticize government is precisely what the First Amendment is designed to do. Therefore, if the District Ethics Committee recommends that the matter be diverted, the fact that the respondent attorney admitted to minor misconduct and accepted diversion may be made public, but the contents of that agreement shall be kept confidential. This arrangement furthers the State s legitimate interest in encouraging diversion while accommodating grievants First Amendment right to discuss their own grievances and the proceedings that follow.
Protecting the integrity of pending investigations is a worthy goal, but, for the above reasons, it is not a compelling interest that justifies a prohibition on speech that would otherwise be free. Investigations can be adequately protected by less restrictive means than curtailing free expression. As the Conference of Chief Justices observed: Gag rules prohibiting complainants from publicly discussing the complaint have been found unconstitutional and should never be imposed. A National Action Plan on Lawyer Conduct and Professionalism: A Report of the Working Group on Lawyer Conduct and Professionalism 19, II.D.1 (Jan. 21, 1999), available at http://ccj.ncsc.dni.us/natlplan/NatlActionPlan.html. Accordingly, we hold that a grievant is not barred from divulging the fact that he or she filed a grievance, the content of that grievance, and the result of the process.
Although our holding invalidates the confidentiality provisions of Rule 1:20-9, there are still means whereby the disciplinary system can further an attorney s interest in confidentiality without violating the First Amendment. First, the District Ethics Committee can recommend that the grievant maintain the confidentiality of the process during the investigatory stage and the grievant can agree to do so when it is in his or her interest. Further, there may be some disciplinary investigations in which the need for secrecy is paramount and the potential harm from premature disclosure is so great that the ethics investigator may have good cause to seek an order compelling the grievant to keep confidential the investigatory proceedings. Under such circumstances, the disciplinary authorities, if they can establish a compelling need for secrecy based on the specific and articulable facts of a case, can seek an appropriate order requiring confidentiality. Finally, we observe that although grievants are absolutely immune from suit for filing an ethics complaint or making statements within the context of subsequent disciplinary proceedings, they are not immune for statements made outside the context of a disciplinary matter, such as to the media or in another public forum. See In re Hearing on Immunity for Ethics Complainants, 96 N.J. 669, 674-75 & n.3 (1984) (explaining that grievant s public defamatory statements are actionable). Accordingly, grievants who falsely smear an attorney in public do so at their peril and may face defamation actions in appropriate cases.See footnote 3
V.
Retroactivity
 
Because we introduce a new rule in respect of confidentiality, we must determine whether the rule applies retroactively or prospectively. See State v. Knight, 145 N.J. 233, 249 (1996). R.M. urges that the principles espoused in this opinion be given full retroactive effect. In contrast, the State, the OAE, and the PRRC advocate that any new rule should apply only prospectively. To determine whether a new rule is to be applied retroactively, we consider three factors: (1) the purpose of the rule and whether it would be furthered by a retroactive application, (2) the degree of reliance placed on the old rule by those who administered it, and (3) the effect a retroactive application would have on the administration of justice. Id. at 251.
The confidentiality rule serves to protect the First Amendment rights of grievants while preserving the disciplinary system s ability to conduct investigations. Although retroactivity may promote free expression and does not frustrate currently pending investigations, participants have placed great reliance on the prior rule of confidentiality. Before the current rule change, grievants and witnesses participated in ethics investigations with the understanding that their identity would remain confidential unless a formal complaint was filed. Retroactively applying the new rule would reveal their identities and statements despite those assurances of confidentiality. Furthermore, attorneys accused of minor wrongdoing have accepted diversion on the condition of confidentiality.
We find that full retroactivity would impose an undue hardship on participants who justifiably relied on the old confidentiality rule. Accordingly, the preexisting confidentiality rule shall remain in effect in previously concluded matters, whether dismissed, diverted, or otherwise resolved. A purely prospective application, however, would unnecessarily inhibit speech that would otherwise be free. Thus, we hold instead that the new rule of confidentiality shall be given pipeline retroactivity, id. at 249, and shall apply in all future cases and in matters that are still pending in the disciplinary system. R.M. is entitled to the benefit of this ruling, see Kibble v. Weeks Dredging & Constr. Co., 161 N.J. 178, 196 (1999), and is hereby permitted to discuss her grievance against Jane Doe, the subsequent ethics proceedings, and the outcome.
VI.
A.
 
Ultimately, First Amendment rights, the public interest, and the concerns of grievants require that we adjust the scope of confidentiality to allow for greater public scrutiny. Although public confidence may be shaken when an attorney commits a wrongful act, that confidence is renewed when the wrong is appropriately addressed and remedied. To accomplish that goal, citizens must be able to observe the disciplinary process unfold at the earliest responsible stage. Comment to R. 1:20-9 [1995 Revision], reprinted in Pressler, Current N.J. Court Rules 1996. As always, [s]unlight is . . . the best of disinfectants. Justice Louis Brandeis, Other People s Money 62 (Nat l Home Library Found. ed. 1933). Accordingly, we hold that a grievant may speak publicly regarding the fact that a grievance was filed, the content of that grievance, and the result of the process. The fact that a matter is diverted and that the attorney admitted to a violation of the disciplinary rules is no longer confidential, but the contents of the diversion agreement itself are not to be disclosed. Documents that are gathered during the ethics proceedings are not to be released publicly by disciplinary officials except as provided for in Rule 1:20-9(a), (i). See supra pp. 8-9 (listing exceptions to the confidentiality rule). These rules apply in this appeal and to all ethics matters currently pending.
We refer this matter to the PRRC to draft rule amendments that conform to this opinion. Because any proposed amendments are subject to this Court s review and approval, the guidelines set forth herein shall serve as interim rules until the formal adoption of the amendments.
B.
 
In 1995, when the confidentiality provision underwent substantial revision and the disciplinary process became open to the public in a significant way for the first time, there was some concern regarding the anticipated effect such changes would have on the practice of law in New Jersey. Mark E. Hopkins, Note, Open Attorney Discipline: New Jersey Supreme Court s Decision to Make Attorney Disciplinary Procedures Public -- What It Means to Attorneys and to the Public, 27 Rutgers L.J. 757, 757-78 (1996). However, we were guided in our decision by this simple fact:
[T]he public is entitled to this information, entitled to know of charges against attorneys, entitled to know who is the subject of those charges, and, most of all, entitled to know how the system is working. It is their system, not ours, not the attorneys ; it is their system just as is the rest of the justice system.
[Administrative Determinations Relating to the 1993 Report of the New Jersey Ethics Commission (1994).]
Notwithstanding the apprehension concerning those new rules, the experience since 1995 has been positive because parties, including grievants, have generally conducted themselves responsibly. We are confident, and expect, that participants in the disciplinary process will continue to act conscientiously and that the changes we introduce in this opinion will enable attorneys to retain the trust that the public has reposed in the profession.
CHIEF JUSTICE PORITZ and JUSTICES LONG, LaVECCHIA, ALBIN, WALLACE, and RIVERA-SOTO join in JUSTICE ZAZZALI s opinion. On the issue of immunity for grievants, CHIEF JUSTICE PORITZ has filed a separate CONCURRING opinion in which JUSTICES LONG, ALBIN, and WALLACE join, and JUSTICE ZAZZALI has filed a separate CONCURRING opinion in which JUSTICES LaVECCHIA and RIVERA-SOTO join.
SUPREME COURT OF NEW JERSEY
A- 89 September Term 2004
 
 
R.M.,
Plaintiff-Appellant,
v.
SUPREME COURT OF NEW JERSEY, DISTRICT XIII ETHICS COMMITTEE and OFFICE OF ATTORNEY ETHICS,
Defendants-Respondents,
and
JANE DOE,
Defendant.
CHIEF JUSTICE PORITZ, concurring.
Three members of the Court would refer the question of immunity for grievants to the PRRC for detailed reasons supporting the Committee s recommendation that absolute immunity should be eliminated if the confidentiality requirement is eliminated, even though that issue is not properly before the Court. I observe, first, that in 1995 the Court substantially limited confidentiality requirements under the rule without a corresponding limitation on absolute immunity and that adverse consequences to lawyers have not been reported. In any case, the underlying rationale for the majority opinion in Matter of Hearing on Immunity for Ethics Complainants, 96 N.J. 669, 675 (1984), was not that immunity is inextricably linked to confidentiality, but rather, that immunity fosters public trust in our disciplinary system and, most important, ameliorates concerns that non-malicious potential complainants may be deterred from filing ethics complaints in fear of retaliation by the attorney. Because I believe that that rationale is as valid today as it was in 1984, I see no reason to seek guidance from the PRRC on the immunity question.
Justices Long, Albin and Wallace join in this opinion.
 
SUPREME COURT OF NEW JERSEY
A- 89 September Term 2004
 
 
R.M.,
Plaintiff-Appellant,
v.
SUPREME COURT OF NEW JERSEY, DISTRICT XIII ETHICS COMMITTEE and OFFICE OF ATTORNEY ETHICS,
Defendants-Respondents,
and
JANE DOE,
Defendant.
JUSTICE ZAZZALI, concurring.
As the majority opinion notes, the Professional Responsibility Rules Committee proposed that if the Court limits the scope of the confidentiality requirements, then the Court should eliminate absolute immunity for grievants. That issue was neither raised by petitioner nor included in the Court s grant of certification. That said, I am inclined to agree with the PRRC recommendation, and, at the very least, would remand the matter to the PRRC to provide a detailed basis for its recommendation.
Justices LaVecchia and Rivera-Soto join in this opinion. 
SUPREME COURT OF NEW JERSEY 
 
NO. A-89 SEPTEMBER TERM 2004
ON CERTIFICATION TO Law Division, Superior Court 
R.M.,
Plaintiff-Appellant,
v.
SUPREME COURT OF NEW JERSEY,
DISTRICT XIII ETHICS
COMMITTEE and OFFICE OF
ATTORNEY ETHICS,
Defendants-Respondents,
and
JANE DOE,
Defendant.
DECIDED October 19, 2005
Chief Justice Poritz PRESIDING
OPINION BY Justice Zazzali 
CONCURRING OPINIONS BY Chief Justice Poritz and Justice Zazzali
DISSENTING OPINION BY 

CHECKLIST REMAND 
IMMUNITY ISSUE NO FURTHER ACTION IMMUNITY ISSUE - REMAND CHIEF JUSTICE PORITZ X 
X JUSTICE LONG X 
X JUSTICE LaVECCHIA X 
X JUSTICE ZAZZALI X 
X JUSTICE ALBIN X 
X JUSTICE WALLACE X 
X JUSTICE RIVERA-SOTO X 
X TOTALS 7 

 
Footnote: 1 The parties refer to this determination as a finding of probable cause. Later in this opinion, we reference cases from other jurisdictions with court rules substantially similar to ours that also speak in terms of probable cause to file disciplinary charges. See Doe v. Sup. Ct., 734 F. Supp. 981, 985 (S.D. Fla. 1990); Doe v. Doe, 127 S.W.3d 728, 736 (Tenn. 2004). To remain consistent, and for brevity s sake, we consider a finding of probable cause to be synonymous with a reasonable prospect of a finding of unethical conduct by clear and convincing evidence, R. 1:20-4(a), for the purposes of this appeal. 
Footnote: 2 We note that fifteen states, including New Jersey, explicitly require grievants to preserve confidentiality. See N.J. Ct. R. 1:20-9(a), (h); Ala. R. Discip. Proc. 30(a), (c); Alaska Bar R. 22(b); Ark. R. Prof l Conduct 6A(3); Del. Laws. R. Discip. Proc. 13(g); Idaho Bar Comm n R. 521(a)(1); Iowa Code Ann. R. 35.7; La. Sup. Ct. R. 19 16I; Md. R. 16-723(f)(2); Miss. Code Ann. 73-3-343; Mont. Law. Discip. Enforcement R. 20(D); Nev. Sup. Ct. R. 121; S.D. Codified Laws 16-19-99; Tex. R. Discip. Proc. 2.16E; Utah R. Law. Discip. & Disability 15(i). In contrast, sixteen other jurisdictions either expressly exempt grievants from the confidentiality rule or provide that the rule applies only to disciplinary officials. See 17A Ariz. Code Ann. Sup. Ct. R. 70(a); Colo. Ct. R. Ann. 251.31(a), (b); Fla. Stat. Ann. Bar R. 3-7.1; Ga. State Bar R. 4-221(d)(3); Kan. Discip. R. 222(d); Ky. Sup. Ct. R. 3.150(8); Me. Bar R. 7.3(k)(1); Mass Sup. Jud. Ct. R. 4:01 20(1)(c); N.Y. 1st Dep t Ct. R. 605.24; N.D. Law. Discip. R. 6.1(A); Ohio Sup. Ct. R. Gov t Bar 5 11(E)(2)(a); Or. Rev. Stat. Bar R. 1.7; S.C. App. Ct. R. Law. Discip. Enforcement 12(b); Tenn. Sup. Ct. R. 9 25.5; Vt. Ct. R. Prof l Resp. Program 12A; Wyo. R. Discip. Code 5(a).
In the remaining jurisdictions, rules of attorney discipline do not specify which participants are obligated to maintain confidentiality. Cal. Ann. Bus. & Prof l Code 6086.1(b); Conn. Practice Book 2-35(c)(ii); D.C. Bar R. 11 17(a); Haw. Sup. Ct. R. 2.22(a); Ill. Stat. Ann. Sup. Ct. R. 766(a); Ind. Code Ann. Admission & Discip. R. 23 22(a); Mich. Ct. R. 9.126(A); 52 Minn. R. Prof l Resp. 20(a); Mo. Sup. Ct. R. 5.31(b); Neb. Discip. R. 18(A); N.H. R. Sup. Ct. 37(21)(a); N.M. Discip. R. 17-304A; N.Y. 2d Dep t Ct. R. 691.4(j); N.Y. 3d Ct. R. 806.4(c)(5); N.Y. 4th Dep t Jud. L. 90; N.C. State Bar Council R. subch. 1B, B.0129(a); Okla. Stat. Ann. tit. 5, ch. 1, app. 1-A, R. 5.7; Pa. R. Discip. Enforcement 402(a); R.I. Sup. Ct. R. 21; Va. R. Sup. Ct. pt. 6, IV, 13(N)(1); Wash. Ct. R. Law. Conduct 3.1(a); W. Va. R. Law. Discip. Proc. 2.6; Wisc. Sup. Ct. R. 22.40(1). 
 
Footnote: 3 We note that R.M. has not asked that ethics proceedings or documents generally be made public. Rather, in this appeal, R.M. s request is narrow: she wishes to disclose publicly that she filed a grievance against Jane Doe (using her real name), that Jane Doe admitted minor misconduct and entered a diversionary agreement, and that R.M. is dissatisfied with that result. Thus, our holding does not alter the requirement that disciplinary authorities continue to be bound by the confidentiality provisions in Rule 1:20-9. As provided for in Rule 1:20-9(a) and (i), all written records compiled by the investigator and the District Ethics Committee received and made pursuant to the investigation are not to be made public by disciplinary officials except as provided in that Rule. The disclosure of sensitive and frequently privileged information is neither required by constitutional principle nor reflective of good policy. 

THE DEATH OF SUNNY SHEU: UPDATE

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Sunny Sheu

THE NYC DEPARTMENT OF INVESTIGATION, NYPD INTERNAL AFFAIRS AND THE NYPD DETECTIVE BUREAU CONTINUE THE COVER UP

LINK
Pre-Publication Fact Check Request to Mayor De Blasio, DOI Commissioner Mark Peters, and Inspector General Philip Eure


After Sunny Sheu's death on June 26th, 2010, the Blackstar News repeatedly sent certified letters informing Mayor Bloomberg and Commissioner Kelly of the case and demanding an investigation.  Despite proof of receipt, none of these letters was ever acknowledged or responded to by Bloomberg or Kelly. Similar letters were sent to NYC Mayor Bill De Blasio and Commissioner William J. Bratton, which were likewise ignored.

The BSN letter ignored by the Mayor's office and NYPD Commissioners included allegations and evidence of many felonies by numerous agents of the NYPD - all relating to the death of Mr. Sheu - including illegal detention, illegal search and seizure, death threats, illegal removal of a body from a hospital, providing false evidence the Medical Examiner and potential complicity in a murder. Most significantly, the letter alerted the Mayor and Commissioner that the NYPD had failed to investigate a death ruled as “undetermined” by the Medical Examiner, as they are obligated to do.

By refusing to investigate thoroughly documented allegations of crimes by his subordinates, and failing to enforce laws violated by them, the NYPD Commissioner effectively became complicit in these acts, establishing them as systemic corruption in the NYPD.

NEW YORK DEPARTMENT OF INVESTIGATION: “NEW YORK CITY'S WATCHDOG”
In either case; that of corruption of individual city employees, or systemic corruption in a government agency, the “watchdog agency” over corruption in the New York City government is the NY Department of Investigation (DOI).  According to their website: “[DOI] Investigations may involve any agency, officer, elected official or employee of the City... As New York City's watchdog, DOI's strategy attacks corruption comprehensively through systemic investigations that lead to high-impact arrests, preventive controls and operational reforms that improve the way the City runs.”
So it was the DOI that the BSN contacted in May 2014, to report corruption by NYPD officers, and systemic corruption in the NYPD as an institution. BSN's initial contact at the DOI was Lee Contes, Assistant to DOI Chief Investigator John Kantor. [Kantor was also known as “Assistant Commissioner” of the DOI] In an email to Contes of May 12, 2014, the BSN described the mortgage fraud, illegal detention and death threats by NYPD Detectives, Sheu's suspicious death and the ongoing cover up. A follow up letter, dated May 16, stressed that the complaint was against the NYPD, and further enumerated the specific complaints against the NYPD.

Contes replied that he would forward the case to DOI Chief of Investigations, John Kantor and that we would be hearing back from Kantor “within a day or two”.  Interestingly, Kantor formerly held a high-level position at the famously corrupt NY Department of Buildings during the period when Judge Golia's brotherJames Golia, was the Assistant Commissioner.   
Three weeks passed and Kantor never responded. On May 30th, the BSN wrote directly to Kantor, making it clear that if we did not hear from him by the end of the day, we would be reporting the case, and the DOI's delinquency, to Mayor De Blasio.
DOI CHIEF OF INVESTIGATIONS JOHN KANTOR TRANSFERS THE CASE TO EDDIE LEBRON OF THE NYPD / DOI SQUAD
Kantor responded the same day, confirming receipt of the email to Contes, and promising to review the complaint. The following Monday, Kantor confirmed that the DOI had initiated an investigation: “DOI has thoroughly reviewed the information that you have provided to Mr. Contes as well as the further information that is available on your website regarding the death of Mr. Sheu...Going forward, your contact should be Detective Eddie Lebron of DOI’s NYPD Squad.
Immediately thereafter, Galison contacted Lebron by phone and then by email, and requested that he and Milton Allimadi, two of the primary sources in the Sheu case, and the possessors of key documentation, be interviewed in person by Lebron.

DETECTIVE EDDIE LEBRON OF THE NYPD/DOI SQUAD CONFIRMS THAT THE DOI IS INVESTIGATING THE CASE

Lebron Contacted the BSN on June 12th, confirming that a DOI investigation of the Sheu case was underway: The NYC Department of Investigation ( DOI ) is currently conducting an investigation into this matter. I am not able to meet with you in person at this time. I understand your desire to assist in this process but certain investigative steps must be completed, before anyone at DOI speaks with you. Please feel free to call me or correspond by email with any documentation or information that could assist in this investigation.”
BSN received no further communication from the DOI or the NYPD/DOI Squad after this letter. No requests for information, no updates, and no invitation to an interview. In fact, the DOI failed to respond to numerous emails sent to them by the BSN requesting a follow up report.

BSN tried many times to contact Lebron at the NYPD/DOI Squad by phone but we either kept on hold indefinitely,  told we would be called back and then forgotten. When BSN finally managed to connect with Lebron, on July 1, 2014, he refused to provide any information about the status of the case, but confirmed 13 times in that conversation that the DOI was investigating the case, and that he was the sole contact person for the Blackstar News. In our final conversation, Lebron assured the BSN that we would be contacted after certain preliminary steps were taken, but we were never contacted again.

THE NYPD DOI SQUAD” IS NOT PART OF THE DOI AND IS FORBIDDEN FROM INVESTIGATING THE NYPD OR AIDING THE OIG/NYPD. THEIR “INVESTIGATION” WAS A FRAUD.

There is a very good reason why the NYPD/DOI Squad never got back to BSN. It turns out that the NYPD/DOI Squad is simply an NYPD detective squad, and as such has no jurisdiction over cases involving misconduct or criminality by NYPD personnel. The only agencies in the NYPD with such jurisdiction are the Bureau of Internal Affairs (IAB) and the Chief of Detective's Bureau

The Role of the NYPD/DOI Squad

The sole function of the NYPD/DOI Squad is to aid investigations at the request of one of the various Inspector Generals within the DOI, except for Office of Inspector General for NYPD Affairs, OIG/NYPD, whom they are expressly prohibited to assist, due to obvious conflict of interest. A detective from the NYPD/DOI Squad who requested anonymity stated: “We have nothing to do the OIG/NYPD part of it.. apparently they investigate us, the NYPD, I guess policies and procedures and stuff like that. So we don't work with them, because basically they're investigating us”.

 
Thomas Mahoney, Chief of investigations for the Office of the Inspector General for the NYPD also confirmed this, stating: “the DOI/NYPD never handled complaints about the police department”.THE NYPD/DOI  SQUAD “INVESTIGATION” CITED BY LEBRON NEVER HAPPENED
As explained, the NYPD/DOI Squad is not part of the DOI. The only Inspector General in the DOI authorized to investigate the NYPD is the OIG/NYPD, which confirmed that they had no knowledge of the Sheu case before July 19, 2014. So Lebron's statement of June 12, that the “The NYC Department of Investigation ( DOI ) is currently conducting an investigation” is patently false.  There was no investigation by the DOI; and all of Lebron's communications with the BSN were fraudulent, intended only to mislead the BSN into believing that the Sheu case was being investigated, when it was not; by anybody.

KANTOR ALSO LIED ABOUT THE DOI/NYPD SQUAD “INVESTIGATION”
On June 30, 2014, Kantor wrote: “DOI is continuing to obtain relevant records regarding Mr. Sheu
’s death from several agencies. We have received some of the requested records, but we need to obtain further records


UPDATE: DOI CONFIRMS THAT NEITHER THE DOI NOR THE NYPD/DOI SQUAD EVER INVESTIGAED THE SHEU CASE
On December 22, 2015 the BSN filed a FOIL request with the DOI, demanding:
1) All documents pertaining in any way to the “review” mentioned by John Kantor in his email of June 30th, 2014, including the “original documentation regarding Mr. Sheu’s death...” and

2) All documents pertaining in any way to the “investigation” by The NYC Department of Investigation mentioned in the below e-mail from Detective Lebron, including the investigation, number, status of case and names of the investigators involved”

In her response of December 29, 2015, Elyse Hirschorn, Chief Investigative Attorney for the DOI wrote: “Neither the Department of Investigation nor the [NYPD] Department of Investigation Squad ever investigated this matter.”
Hirschorn then attempted to bend the truth by continuing: “Rather, the issues you raised were forwarded to the Inspector General for the New York Police Department (“OIG/NYPD”) for appropriate action.”
In fact, neither DOI nor the NYPD/DOI transferred the case to the OIG. As explained below, the Sheu complaint was introduced to the OIG by the Blackstar News in a letter of July 19, 2014, and Inspector General Philip Eure and his deputy Sandra Musemeschi, both stated that they had never heard of the case or the name Sunny Sheu before being notified by the BSN.
KANTOR TRANSFERRED THE SHEU CASE TO AN AGENCY WITH NO JURISDICTION, AND BURIED IT.
DOI Assistant Commissioner Jon Kantor knew that the NYPD/DOI Squad is not part of the DOI and that it is forbidden from investigating on behalf of the NYPD/DOI.  Therefore; when he gave the case to the NYPD/DOI Squad, he was knowingly giving the case to an agency without jurisdiction, and removing it from the DOI's legitimate jurisdiction. He buried it.

KANTOR CONCEALED THE COMPLAINT FROM THE SOLE AGENCY WITH JURISDICTION OVER THE CASE; THE OFFICE OF THE INSPECTOR GENERAL/ NYPD.
Had the Sunny Sheu complaint arrived at Kantor's desk before March 28, 2014, they may have had reason to refer the complaint to the NYPD, but only to the IAB or Detective's Squad, which were at that time the only city agencies with jurisdiction over NYPD misconduct. On that date however, in the wake of the IAB's mishandling of the Eric Garner scandal and amid great fanfare, Mayor De Blasio created a new agency within the DOI, specifically to investigate NYPD improprieties; the Office of the Inspector General for the NYPD (OIG/NYPD)After the creation of the OIG/NYPD, on May 28, 2014, any complaint to the DOI regarding the NYPD was referred directly to the OIG/NYPD.


On July 2, 2014. the BSN called the DOI for an update, and asked to speak to Lebron at the NYPD/DOI squad. The receptionist asked what the call regarded, and when told that it was a complaint against the NYPD, she responded: “the NYPD/DOI squad does not investigate complaints against the NYPD... that kind of thing is handled by the Office of the Inspector General for the NYPD”. Despite the BSN's insistence that the case had been investigated by the DOI/NYPD squad for over a month, the receptionist connected us to the OIG/NYPD.

Thus, after nearly two months of communication with the DOI, this receptionist was the first person at the DOI to mention the existence of the OIG to the BSN.

The BSN immediately wrote to Lebron, Kantor and Contes, 
demanding an explanation of why our complaint had been withheld from the OIG, and asking: “Have you or Mr. Kantor brought the Sunny Sheu case to the attention of Mr. Eure? ...” Lebron, Kantor and Contes never responded to this letter, and the BSN never heard from them again.

BSN Submits the Case to the Office Of The Inspector General for NYPD Affairs, Who Had Never Heard of the Case Previously
On July 19, 2014, the Blackstar News filed a formal complaint with the Office of the Inspector General (“OIG”) This was in the form of a certified letter directly addressed to Philip Eure, the Inspector General for NYPD Affairs (“OIG/NYPD”) and his deputy, Sandra Musumechi, both of whom confirmed receipt.
Musumechi and Eure both stated, on the record, that prior to receiving the July 19, letter, the OIG/NYPD had never received any information about the Sunny Sheu case, had never heard the name, and had never been contacted about it by NY DOI NYPD Squad. This confirms unequivocally that Lebron and the NYPD/DOI Squad had concealed the case and their “investigation” entirely from the OIG.
Eure Is Told of the Cover Up by the NYPD DOI Squad
The July 19, 2014 letter to Eure discussed not only the circumstances of Sheu's death and the ensuing cover up. It also emphasized the cover up by Lebron and the NYPD/DOI Squad, which, being part of the NYPD, is firmly under the OIG's jurisdiction.

Inspector General Philip Eure Continues the Cover Up.
When Inspector General Philip Eure was personally selected by DOI Commissioner Mark Peters to lead the Office of the Inspector General for NYPD, he was advertised as an  independent “outsider” with no loyalties to the NYPD, who would sweep the department clean without regard for entrenched power. Mayor De Blasio called Eure “One of the nation's premiere police accountability experts”.
The July 19 letter informs Eure, that a case involving possible complicity by the NYPD in a murder, which has been covered upby the NYPD, had been hijacked, buried and concealed from his agency by a corrupt NYPD agency (the NYPD/DOI), operating out of the very same building in which Eure was fighting NYPD corruption

Did Eure demand an investigation of the NYPD/DOI's role in covering up the case? Remarkably, Eure never responded to the July 19, 2014 letter, nor did he request any emails, phone recordings and other documentation of the NYPD/DOI’s phony investigation.  Indeed, to our knowledge, no branch of the DOI or any other law enforcement agency has ever investigated the cover up of the Sunny Sheu case by the NYPD/DOI Squad.

After many insistent follow up emails and calls by the BSN, however, Thomas Mahoney, Chief Investigator the Inspector General's office finally spoke to the BSN about the Sunny Sheu case, and finally consented to interview BSN Publisher Allimadi and reporter Galison.

The Office of the Inspector General Interviews Galison and Allimadi
On January 16th, at the DOI Headquarters, BSN met with OIG Investigator Edward Sanchez and Chief Investigator Joe Carhina. From the outset, it was clear that this would be “good cop/ bad cop” scenario, with Sanchez being obsequious to the point of annoyance, and Carinha being rude and dismissive to the point of aggression. Carinha even implied that Sheu had brought the illegal detention and death threats upon himself, by placing a note in the Judge's mailbox. with no concern for the raft of illegal acts involved with his detention and interrogation, not to mention his eventual death and the ensuing cover up
The BSN came prepared to answer questions clarifying and expanding upon on the evidence provided in the July 19  and accompanying documents.  For example, Allimadi was expecting to be asked to present his testimony that Dr. Ahmed had told him that “foul play” was involved in Sunny Sheu's death.  Allimadi's account is critically important to the case; if Ahmed was coerced into lying about the head trauma, then the people who coerced him were powerful enough to compel a doctor into committing a felony (accessory to murder after the fact), and interested in protecting the perpetrators.  Ahmed's confession of “foul play” is the key to the entire case, and should be of utmost concern to any honest investigator.

But Allimadi's account was immediately dismissed by the investigators as irrelevant. When Allimadi offered to sign a sworn affidavit and take a polygraph test to confirm his statement, Carinha objected that “lie detector tests are not allowed as evidence in a trial”.  The investigators ignored the fact that sworn affidavits are often presented as evidence in criminal cases, and a voluntary lie detector test may be certainly used as a basis for suspicion. Finally, when Galison asked if Ahmed would be questioned at all, Carinha replied “only if he chooses to come in...we can't force him”.
The OIG Neglects to Investigate The Key Questions of the Case


During the interview, in fact, neither Sanchez nor Carinha asked Allimadi or Galison a single question regarding the case. The only questions were asked by Allimadi and Galison, and while all the answers were vague and evasive, some revealed important clues as to the nature of the OIG's “investigation”, specifically, that the OIG:
never subpoenaed the CAT scans made by ER Doctor Zeeshan Ahmed, who falsely told Sunny's friends and the NYPD that they showed no indication of head trauma. If the CAT scans showed unmistakable fractures to Sheu's skull (which they must), this would indicate that Ahmed knowingly allowed him to die without proper treatment.
- never investigated the disposition of Sheu's computer after his death or even inquired about its whereabouts. The computer would hold evidence of the NYPD's illegal surveillance of Sheu and hacking of his emails before his murder, which Sheu reported to the BSN and, under oath, to the FBI.

never interviewed Dr. Zeeshan Ahmed, the ER Doctor who concealed Sheu's fatal head trauma and 
admitted to Allimadi that “foul play” was involved in Sheu’s death.
never investigated the identity of the “witness” that the NYPD, in a fraudulent  memo, told the M.E. had seen Sheu fall, whose existence would exonerate the NYPD and whose non- existence would prove an NYPD conspiracy to mislead the M.E.
When reminded that all the 911 witnesses mentioned a man lying in the street and none mentioned a man falling down, Carhina replied: “Just because what you hear on 911, doesn't mean that later on when somebody was interviewed, that they may not add a little bit more...”
When reminded that there was no documentation of any interview with this alleged witness, no mention in the responding officer's notebook, no DD5, in fact none of the many mandatory official documents reflecting the existence of an interview, and that both Queens Assistant District Laura Weinstock and 109th Pct. Detective Ardisano had told the BSN that there was no witness, Carinha replied: “Well, you just said that [the NYPD] sent something to the M.E's office so there is something in writing that said that somebody saw him fall, so something is in writing, right?” In other words, according to Carhina's logic, the NYPD memo mentioning the witness must be true simply because the memo existed.
– never investigated the fraudulent “investigation” by their colleagues at the DOI/NYPD, Squad, or the DOI's attempt to hijack the case from the OIG and bury it.

never investigated the NYPD’s failure to investigate a death ruled as “undetermined” by the Medical Examiner.
DOI Chief Investigator Finds “Nothing Suspicious About the Sunny Sheu Case”

At the conclusion of the forty-five minute interview, Allimadi cut to the chase by asking Carinha a simple question: “Do you see [anything in the Sunny Sheu case] that looks suspicious?” to which Carinha answered without hesitation: “No”.


SHEU HAD “LOTS OF INJURIES; NOT JUST TO HIS HEAD”: MEDICAL EXAMINER


Despite the investigators' efforts to be opaque, Sanchez let slip one fact of great significance. He stated that he interviewed Dr. Michael Greenberg, the Medical Examiner who autopsied Sheu's body and subpoenaed his medical records, and according to Sanchez “[the Medical Examiner] determined that there was lots of injuries - not just to the head - and the matter was undetermined”. This is a bombshell: how could Sheu have sustained lots of his injuries to different parts of his body, simply by falling over and hitting his head? “Lots of injuries” is consistent with a man fighting for his life, not with a man having a seizure and falling straight down on the ground and into a coma. It also re-emphasizes the question of why Dr. Ahmed, who examined Sheu thoroughly in the hours before his death, told Sheu's friends that Sheu suffered no external injuries at all. How could Ahmed, in the course of four hours of intensive life saving procedures, have failed to notice significant injuries all over Sheu's body, in addition to the fatal “trauma to the head with multiple skull fractures and brain injuries”?

BSN LETTER TO OIG CHEIF INVESTIGATOR THOMAS MAHONEY RE: CARHINA
On January 18, 2015 the BSN wrote a letter to OIG Chief Inspector Thomas Mahoney - once again sent by certified mail and copied to Philip Eure, Mark Peters and Mayor De Blasio - entitled “ Profound Concerns Regarding Your Senior Investigator, Joseph Carinha”, and expressing the BSN's outrage over the bias and ignorance of the OIG Investigator. The BSN has never received a response from Mahoney, Eure, Peters or Mayor De Blasio.

THE OIG'S VIOLATION OF NY FREEDOM OF INFORMATION LAW.
Stonewalled by a total blackout of communication from the OIG, the BSN decided to request documents from them through the NY State Freedom of information law (FOIL). If the OIG had done any investigation on the case at all, we reasoned, they would have had to have subpoenaed, at the bare minimum:

- The name of the party that ordered the detention of Sunny Sheu in January 2009
- The records of the “interview” of Sheu by the Detectives who detained him
- The party that ordered the removal of Sheu's body from the Queens Hospital
- The police officers who removed Sheu's body from the Queens Hospital
- The name of the alleged “witness” who allegedly saw Sheu collapse
- Any NYPD paperwork the “interview” in which an alleged witness said he saw Sheu collapse
- The NYPD documents reflecting the false cause and false manner of Sheu's death, as cited by Detective Ardisano.
Under FOIL law, the OIG would, at the very least, be required to state whether each individual requested document was in their possession, if they were available to the public or not, and if not, precisely why not. Of course, according to the NYPD, and to OIG there was no crime and no evidence of a crime, and thus no investigation. So what could be the basis on which to keep any documents secret?
On January 19, 2015, the BSN sent a request for documents to the FOIL officer at the OIG, Assim Rehman, who is also the OIG's legal council. The request was unambiguous. It asked for “all documents” pertaining to 24 separate and distinct documents, relating to the death of Sunny Sheu and its cover up by the NYPD.

Under FOIL law - by default - every document generated by the government must be made available to the public, exceptdocuments which may be withheld or redacted because they fall under specific “exceptions” which are detailed in the FOIL law.

The response of Rehman was to utterly ignore the rules and precedent of FOIL case law. Rehman not only refused to provide a single document requested; he failed to specify the exception for each requested, illegally grouped all of the 24 demands together and denied them all in one sentence: “Any material which may be in the possession of this department that would be responsive to your request would be exempt from disclosure would interfere with law enforcement investigations”.

By this meticulously evasive wording, Rehman tried to skirt the pertinent question of which documents the OIG possessed, so that it could not be determined whether the OIG had actually investigated the case or not

WHY THE SUNNY SHEU CASE IS “SYSTEMIC”
Though it may seem a matter of semantics, the question of whether the BSN complaints to the DOI represent “systemic”problems with the NYPD or not, is the key to their jurisdiction. According to the OIG website, cases deemed “systemic” or regarding “policy or procedure” are under the unique jurisdiction of the OIG, and those considered “complaints against individual officers”, are under the jurisdiction of the NYPD Internal Affairs Bureau (IAB).

At the very least, the illegal detention of Sheu by NYPD Detectives, during which Sheu alleged that he was abducted against his will, his wallet confiscated, his documents photocopied and that he was threatened with death, is the ultimate example of “stop and frisk”; one of the “systemic” issues that the OIG is specifically mandated to investigate. 

But it is the failure of the Police Commissioner to order an investigation of a death ruled as undetermined by the M.E. that makes this case “systemic” prima face. The decision to not investigate a death ruled “undetermined” cannot possibly be the act of an individual officer, especially when two consecutive NYPD Commissioners were informed of the M.E's ruling and specifically told that they must investigate under law. The decision to not investigate a death ruled “undetermined” they depend on the police to investigate by the Medical Examiner, is a matter of “policy and procedure”, and a crime.

According to John Fudenberg, former President of the International Association of Coroners and Medical Examiners, “If a Medical Examiner has a case of “blunt force Trauma to the head, and they can’t tell if it’s a from a strike or a fall, they should and do depend on the police to attempt to get them more information… Homicide Detectives and Medical Legal Professionals are trained to treat every death as a homicide until they can prove otherwise, but especially if there is any indication that it might have actually been a homicide”.

THE OIG REFERS THE CASE TO THE NYPD INTERNAL AFFAIRS BUREAU, BUT WITHOLDS CRITICAL INFORMATION FROM THEM

A letter dated April 14th, 2015 from Thomas Mahoney of the OIG, states: “We have completed our preliminary investigation of your complaint... With respect to your specific concerns regarding the death of Mr. Sheu... Given the content of your July 23rd[sic] complaint [originally sent to Eure on July 19, and dated as such] , we believe that the NYPD internal affairs Bureau (IAB) would be an appropriate investigative agency... therefore we will forward IAB a copy of your complaint so that they may review the matter further”.
Mahoney's letter certainly implies that it was the July 19 complaint that was sent to the IAB for further review, but incredibly, according to a source at the IAB, the “complaint” that the OIG sent them was not the July 19 complaint. Our source, who examined the entire file transferred from the OIG reported that the only document provided to the IAB by the OIG was the May 12 letter to Contes. He stated: “... April 8th, that's when they sent the letter.... The only [complaint] they sent was [the email from] May 12th, it was basically your correspondence with Mr. Contes. That's it'. He further confirmed that the July 19 letter was not provided by the OIG. This sleight of hand by Mahoney raises the question of whether the May 12th letter may have been altered.

Why did Mahoney send the wrong letter to the IAB and lie about it to the BSN? Perhaps because the difference between the May 12 letter and the July 19 letter is critical to the jurisdiction of the case. The hijacking and burying of the case by the DOI/NYPD squad is detailed in the July letter but absent in the May letter, because it had not yet occurred . The OIG/NYPD Squad's fraudulent “investigation” not only adds to the long list of NYPD officers complicit in the cover up, it further establishes that the case is systemic, and therefore under the exclusive jurisdiction of the OIG.
And of course, leaving out the documented allegations against the NYPD/DOI gets the OIG's office mates at the NYPD/DOI off the hook, which may have been another intention.
ACCORDING TO THE IAB, THE OIG DID “NO INVESTIGATION” ON THE CASE BEFORE TRANSFERRING IT TO THEM.

Our source at the IAB
 also revealed that the dossier sent to the IAB by the OIG indicated that the OIG had done no investigation on the case, because no results of any investigation were included in the dossier. “I don't think [the OIG] did any investigation into it” she noted.

This means that either the OIG did no investigation whatsoever on the case, or they withheld the results of their investigationfrom the IAB when they transferred the case to them. If they did no investigation, then on what basis did Rehman deny the FOIL requests based on “an ongoing law enforcement investigation”? And what were they doing for the nine months between receiving the complaint in July and sending to the IAB in April?

Of course we know that Sanchez learned from the Medical Examiner that Sheu had suffered “lots of wounds” all over his body, and that this important fact was never provided to the IAB. What other findings of the nine-month OIG/NYPD “investigation” were concealed from the IAB?
NYPP INTERNAL AFFAIRS SITS ON THE CASE FOR SIX MONTHS WITH NO INVESTIGATAION, THEN TRANFERS IT TO THE DETECTIVE BUREAU WHICH CLOSE IT IN A WEEK. 
The NYPD IAB held the case for six months, and conducted no investigation, according to our source. On September 19, 2015, the IAB transferred the case to the NYPD Chief of Detectives Bureau. The sole detective delegated to investigate the case was Sgt. Anthony Bocola, a veteran NYPD cop sued in 2001 for punching a 13 year old dance student in the face.

Bocola confirmed that neither the DOI, OIG nor the IAB had furnished him with any findings resulting from their respective investigations, and only furnished him with the original May 12. 2014 complaint to John Kantor. This means that Bocola had no knowledge of the complaint to Inspector General Philip Eure which included documentation of the fraudulent claims by the NYPD/DOI Squad that they had investigated the case.

The NYPD Detective Bureau's Investigation is Completed in Less than Eight Days.

Although Bocola refused to comment on his investigation of the Sunny Sheu case, one very important aspect is apparent; the “investigation” was astonishingly brief.  Bocola received the complaint on September 19, 2015. Bocola's superior,  Lieutenant Simmons, refused to give a specific date for the closing of the case, but he told the BSN “it was closed in September of this year”.

Since September has only 30 days, this means that Bocola's investigation of the illegal detention/kidnapping, the death threats, the false statements of Dr. Ahmed, the unauthorized removal of the body by NYPD Detectives, the false witness” story sent to the Medical Examiner by Austin and Grant, the false reports given by Ardisano about the cause and manner of death, the unauthorized cremation of the body by a party falsely claiming to be the Executor of Sheu's estate, the violation of FOIL law by the NYPD and above all, the NYPD's failure to investigate a case ruled “undetermined” by the Medical Examiner for over five and a half years, was conducted in the maximum of one week.

Bocola Investigate and Closed the Case Without Interviewing Any of the Primary Witnesses, or Examining Any Evidence

Moreover, Bocola managed to complete the “investigation” without interviewing any witnesses or requesting any information from the BSN. In fact the BSN was never even told that the Case had been transferred to the CDB or that the case had been closed. BSN only found this out through our source at the IAB, two months after the fact.

The only positive thing that can be said about Bocola is that it only took him just eight to do exactly what it took the DOI, OIG and IAB 15 months months to do, namely to conduct a sham investigation, with the intention of covering up the circumstances of the Sunny Sheu case.

The Unbelievable Story Of The Queens Man Who Fought Foreclosure And Wound Up Dead

Sunny Sheu

Business Insider

The death of Queens judicial activist Sunny Sheu is the subject of a chilling investigation in the New York investigative newspaper Black Star News.
Here's a quick recap.
On a calm spring afternoon eleven years ago, Sunny Sheu's lunch was interrupted by a knock on his front door. It was Tower Insurance agent, there to inspect the home for its new owners.
Surprised, Sheu explained his home hadn't been for sale, but Tower's paperwork was official. "I almost choked on my soup," he told Black Star News in 2009 (via Zero Hedge).
The Queens resident had been victim of a complex scam that started with a forged power of attorney and led to a mortgage with Centex Home Equity. The story ended with his death from blunt force trauma to the head almost one year ago today.
Sheu refinanced his house in his brother's name in 2000. Sheu's mortgage broker, Roman Chiu then forged Sheu's brother's signature on a power of attorney and received a mortgage from Centex for Sheu's home.
After alerting the police, the bank that held the mortgage, and the title insurer, Sheu gathered together the forged paperwork, and the parties responsible were arrested and sent to jail. 
Sheu assumed that would be the end of it, but Centex--the issuer of the bogus mortgage--ignored the police reports as well as the evidence and foreclosed on the house.
The foreclosure sale occurred January 28, 2005.
“Centex bought the property for $1,000 from Amy Cheng, the fraudster,” Sheu said to Black Star. “That was not even her real name. How can you buy property from someone who does not exist?”
Finally, the case was assigned to Justice Joseph Golia in the State Supreme Court of Queens. Although extensive documentation had been enough to send the forgers to jail, Judge Golia said the assertion that the fraud occurred was "misleading and disingenuous at best.”
Following this ruling, Sheu began his own investigation. He found a list of Golia's properties and went to the OCA Ethics Department to check the list against the judge's financial disclosure forms.
According to Sheu, he found major discrepancies, including a $1 million beach home on Breezy Point Long Island. Judge Golia did not return phone calls from Black Star seeking comment on this matter. He also did not return a call fromBusiness Insider.  
Sheu's allegations were enough to get the director of the OCA Ethics Department Janice Howard to ask Golia for an amended financial disclosure statement. A last chance to come clean.
When Sheu went to pick up his copy of the amended statement, he brought a friend with a video camera. When he saw the paper lacked all the property conflicts Sheu had found, he's recorded saying: "Now I've got him! I've got enough evidence to put Golia in Jail."
Understanding the seriousness of the allegations, Sheu finally recorded a video stating that if any harm came to him, investigators should look to Judge Golia. We have embedded that video below.
According to Sheu's death certificate, three days later that he was found dead from a severe blow to the skull. The death has been ruled an accident by the medical examiner and no investigation has been conducted.
Further questions were raised by Black Star News:
Sheu’s associates also question why NYPD officers removed Sheu's body from the Queens hospital, at 5 AM, hours after his death, and transferred it to the Medical Examiner, who was provided with a letter stating that "no criminality" was involved, all without even a cursory investigation.

At the same time, the precinct involved in the removal, the 109, insisted that Sheu had suffered "no head trauma", a position contradicted by the Medical Examiner, who concluded that Sheu died of "blunt force trauma to the head with skull fractures and brain injuries".

Darkening the story further is the improper treatment of Mr. Sheu’s body by the New York Queens Hospital and their false statements regarding his injuries. (The role of the New York Hospital of Queens in the disposition of Sheu’s body will be elucidated in part two of this series.)

Add the epilogue of the NYPD's refusal to release relevant documents requested by this newspaper under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)- and all the components of a deeply disturbing mystery are in place.
What happened to Sheu and the antagonism between him and Judge Golia may never be fully known, but Black Star's report raises serious questions about the judge's ruling and Sheu's death.
Sunny Sheu's video is below. The medical examiner's opinion is here. You can read another summary of the story here, and the whole story at Black Star News.

US Attorney Preet Bharara Decides Not To Indict NY State Governor Andrew Cuomo For Judicial Corruption

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US Attorney Preet Bharara
No one is happy with Mr. Bharara's decision not to indict Governor Cuomo for closing down the Moreland Commission. no one.

Betsy Combier
Editor, New York Court Corruption

Bharara ends probe of Cuomo’s Moreland Commission shutdown

After more than 17 months, U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara has ended his investigation into Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s abrupt shuttering of a Moreland Commission probe in Albany.
In a statement, Bharara said that while the closing of the commission was “premature,” “absent any additional proof that may develop, there is insufficient evidence to prove a federal crime.”
“We continue to have active investigations related to substantive inquiries that were being conducted by the Moreland Commission at the time of its closure,” Bharara said.
The announcement, coming on the heels of a high-profile visit to discuss corruption issues with Kentucky lawmakers and the recent convictions of two of the state’s top legislative leaders, came seemingly without warning from Bharara’s office. The news effectively blows away a cloud of suspicion hanging over the state Capitol since Bharara’s office announced it was investigating the shutdown of the Moreland Commission in July, 2014.


Investigation Into Closing of N.Y.’s Moreland Commission Finds ‘Insufficient Evidence’ of Crime

Gov. Andrew Cuomo disbanded the anticorruption panel in 2014, although it hadn’t completed its investigations

ALBANY, N.Y.—A 20-month investigation into the Cuomo administration’s handling of an anticorruption commission found “insufficient evidence to prove a federal crime,” Manhattan U.S. Attorney Preet Bharara said Monday.
The determination, announced in a statement by the federal prosecutor, brings an end to an episode that has dogged Gov. Andrew Cuomo for nearly two years.
Mr. Bharara said the calculation had been made “after a thorough investigation of interference with the operation of the Moreland Commission and its premature closing.” Among other issues, the U.S. attorney’s office had been exploring whether actions taken by the governor’s office constituted witness tampering or obstruction of justice.
Elkan Abramowitz, an attorney for Mr. Cuomo and the executive chamber, said Monday “we were always confident there was no illegality here, and we appreciate the U.S. attorney clarifying this for the public record.”
Mr. Bharara’s statement was in part a response to speculation by lawmakers and the media about possible imminent charges against Mr. Cuomo in the Moreland matter, a person familiar with the matter said.
The Manhattan U.S. attorney’s office, however, has rarely issued such statements.
In November 2008, then-U.S. Attorney Michael Garcia said the office wouldn’t seek criminal charges against former New York Gov. Eliot Spitzer, who left office earlier that year amid a prostitution scandal.
Prosecutors’ decision to publicly absolve Mr. Cuomo concludes a chapter of his political career that threatened to overshadow much of his legislative work.
Mr. Cuomo, a Democrat, abruptly disbanded the anticorruption panel in April 2014, after nine months, in a deal with legislative leaders that resulted in additional ethics rules in Albany.
At the time, the commission hadn’t completed its investigations—its findings turned up evidence of criminal wrongdoing by at least 10 to 12 lawmakers, The Wall Street Journal reported—and Mr. Cuomo and his top aides had been accused of interfering in its efforts.
In the days following its disbanding, Mr. Bharara criticized the commission’s demise, saying it appeared as though “investigations potentially significant to the public interest have been bargained away.” He dispatched trucks to pick up investigative files from the commission so federal prosecutors could determine whether and how to pursue any matters that had been under examination.
His office quickly expanded its sights, issuing subpoenas to the state’s ethics-enforcement agency, the Joint Commission on Public Ethics, as well as to the Moreland’s former chief counsel, among others. It also instructed state legislators to preserve all records and documents related to the panel.
Over that summer, several of Mr. Cuomo’s highest ranking aides at the time, including then-Secretary to the Governor Larry Schwartz and Counsel Mylan Denerstein, spoke to federal investigators. Months later, investigators also interviewed Mr. Cuomo’s longtime political enforcer Joseph Percoco, according to people familiar with the matter.
Mr. Cuomo promised his office would cooperate with the investigation and defended the commission’s work, saying his aides offered advice to investigators but the panel operated with “total independence.”
Still, the matter became a significant political crisis for Mr. Cuomo, putting him on the defensive as he sought re-election and undermining claims he had made, even before he took office, that he would clean up Albany.
Meanwhile, the U.S. attorney’s other public-corruption prosecutions have prompted the ouster and conviction of two of the most powerful men in state politics: one-time legislative leaders Sheldon Silver and Dean Skelos.
Those convictions have spurred Mr. Cuomo to declare that he will, once again, propose ethics overhauls in his State of the State address on Wednesday.
On Monday, Mr. Bharara added that his office is continuing to pursue investigations of Albany lawmakers that it launched as a result of the files it picked up when it took over the Moreland Commission’s work.
And despite a sense of relief regarding the end of the Moreland matter, Mr. Cuomo’s administration can’t close the book on Mr. Bharara’s probes quite yet: Federal prosecutors are investigating the bidding process in an upstate revitalization projectchampioned by the governor.


Supreme Court Justice Scalia's Death Raises Questions

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Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia

Nobody Seems to Know How Exactly Antonin Scalia Ended Up Dead Underneath a Pillow


On the morning of February 13, the owner of Cibolo Creek Ranch, in the west Texas town of Shafter, discovered the cold body of Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia in one of the ranch’s hotel rooms. The owner, John Poindexter, later told the San Antonio Express-News, “We discovered the judge in bed, a pillow over his head. His bed clothes were unwrinkled. He was lying very restfully. It looked like he had not quite awakened from a nap.”
In quick, confusing succession, local news outlets declared three different causes of death. First it was unspecified “natural causes.” Then it was a heart attack (or a “myocardial infarction”), which is considered a natural cause of death. Then, finally, it reverted to “natural causes” again—not a heart attack—with one additional detail: According to a local judge chosen to assess the circumstances of Scalia’s death, his heart had simply stopped beating. The confusion apparently arose from a quirk in Texas law that allows judges to officially attribute deaths to natural causes without personally inspecting the deceased person’s body. As a triple-bylined Washington Post report explained last night:
It [took] hours for authorities in remote West Texas to find a justice of the peace, officials said Sunday. When they did, Presidio County Judge Cinderela Guevara pronounced Scalia dead of natural causes without seeing the body — which is permissible under Texas law — and without ordering an autopsy.
One of two other officials who were called but couldn’t get to Scalia’s body in time said that she would have made a different decision on the autopsy. “If it had been me . . . I would want to know,” Juanita Bishop, a justice of the peace in Presidio, Tex., said in an interview Sunday[.]
In her interview with the Post, Guevera insisted that she issued her evaluation of Scalia’s death after consulting with on-scene law enforcement officers, who detected no signs of foul play, and Scalia’s doctor in Virginia, who disclosed that his patient had been dealing with unspecified health issues in recent weeks.
The judge did not elaborate on why she declined to have Scalia’s body undergo an autopsy. That decision is particularly notable given the fact that members of Scalia’s family apparently told employees of the El Paso funeral home where his service was held on Sunday that they did not want the state to perform an autopsy. The same decision seems even more conspicuous in light of unconfirmed reports that Scalia requested the cremation of his remains in his written will. A cremation would, after all, likely destroy any evidence of foul play.
(If the reports about Scalia’s requested cremation are true—and, as of now, there’s nothing beyond a few joking tweets to suggest they are—then his understanding of religious doctrine was slightly more flexible than he let on. You may recall that the justice was a devout Catholic who disputed the validity of the Second Vatican Council, a sweeping set of changes enacted by Church officials in the 1960s. One of those changes consisted of lifting the Church’s centuries-long ban on cremation. Considering the show he made of rejecting Vatican II’s legitimacy, the idea that he would ask to be cremated in his will is, if not unbelievable, at least fairly odd.)
As of Monday morning, it’s still unclear whether authorities will perform an autopsy on Scalia’s body, a state of limbo that has already inspired more than a few conspiracy-minded conservatives to demand more information about Scalia’s demise. According to CBS News, officials are still debating the next steps to take. The justice’s remains are scheduled to be transported on a Monday flight from El Paso to an undisclosed location in Virginia, near the home where Scalia lived with his wife, Maureen, and their nine children.

Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance Jr. Recuses Himself From The Investigation Into Eliot Spitzer

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Manhattan Prosecutor Asks to Be Recused From Spitzer Inquiry



Cyrus R. Vance Jr.

The Manhattan district attorney has moved to recuse himself from the criminal investigation into an allegation that former Gov. Eliot Spitzer assaulted a 26-year-old woman at the Plaza Hotel, saying the close ties between his office and Mr. Spitzer had created an apparent conflict of interest.

The district attorney, Cyrus R. Vance Jr., made a formal request on Wednesday to the deputy administrative judge for New York City courts to have the case transferred to the district attorney’s office in another borough, Mr. Vance’s aides and court officials said. The request was expected to be granted, but the judge, Fern A. Fisher, had not taken action by Wednesday night.

Mr. Vance’s request comes as the investigation has hit a wall, law enforcement officials said. The woman, who initially said she had been choked by Mr. Spitzer, declined to press charges and has since left the country, these officials said on Wednesday.
Eliot Spitzer

“We are at a standstill now, absent a complainant,” said Stephen P. Davis, the deputy commissioner of public information for the New York Police Department. “If she would change her mind we would have to reconsider, but what we would have to have is her telling us what happened and saying she wants to press charges.”

Mr. Spitzer resigned as governor of New York in 2008 after it came to light that he had patronized prostitutes.
Travis divorced her husband, Michael, in 2013, but kept his last name.

The investigation into the alleged assault began on Saturday about 8:05 p.m., when the woman, Svetlana Zakharova Travis, called the police from a hotel room and said she had cut her wrist, the authorities said. When the officers arrived, they found Mr. Spitzer in her room. There were bloodstains and broken glass on the floor.

Mr. Spitzer’s lawyer said he had a previous relationship with Ms. Travis. At her request, he had booked the room for her and had visited her on Saturday afternoon, talking with her about her plans to return to her native Russia, the lawyer, Adam Kaufmann, said.

Because she was bleeding from her arm, Ms. Travis was taken to Mount Sinai West, formerly St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital Center, where she told nurses and doctors that Mr. Spitzer had attacked her, officials said. Hours later, at the Midtown North Precinct station house, she told detectives that Mr. Spitzer had pushed her down on a bed and choked her, but then said she did not want to press charges, law enforcement officials said. She departed on a flight to Russia on Sunday.

Ms. Travis’s decision not to press charges has not ended the inquiry, police officials and prosecutors said. Having executed search warrants, detectives are still reviewing telephone and computer records related to the case, one law enforcement official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the case.

Through his lawyer, Mr. Spitzer has denied he assaulted Ms. Travis. He maintains Ms. Travis even sent him an email on Monday, stating that her report to the police was “all fake,” and swearing, on the contrary, that Mr. Spitzer had tried to save her from a suicide attempt.

“Ms. Travis has recanted any claim of an assault, and made it clear, in fact, that Eliot tried to assist her,” Lisa Linden, a spokeswoman for Eliot Spitzer, said. “We are confident that whoever looks at the facts will reach the same conclusion.”

Officials in Mr. Vance’s office said the ties between the former governor and the office were too close to erase doubts about impartiality. Some of Mr. Vance’s top aides, including his deputy chief of staff and his executive assistant, were top aides to Mr. Spitzer when he was governor. Mr. Spitzer’s daughter also worked for the office as a paralegal.

Beyond those connections, Mr. Spitzer has had a long relationship with the office itself, having started his career there as a prosecutor in 1986. The former governor was also a political ally of Mr. Vance, both Democrats. In 2007, for instance, he appointed Mr. Vance to the New York State Commission on Sentencing Reform.

Joan Vollero, a spokesman for Mr. Vance, said the district attorney did not believe there is a direct conflict of interest that would make it impossible for his assistants to do their jobs. “However, due to Mr. Spitzer’s personal and professional connections to this office, we have decided to seek recusal to avoid any appearance of impropriety,” she said.

Correction: February 18, 2016 
An earlier version of this article misstated the year that former Gov. Eliot Spitzer appointed Cyrus R. Vance Jr. to the New York State Commission on Sentencing Reform. It was 2007, not 2009.

Spitzer’s work was as reckless as his private life



One of the more effective, albeit disingenuous, narratives of the American left goes something like this: The business community is evil and must be punished for the sins it has committed or may yet commit.
Its popularity on the left is growing, egged on by President Obama, presidential candidate Bernie Sanders and radical Sen. Elizabeth Warren — even at times by Democratic front-runner Hillary Clinton.

 But they weren’t the ones who mainstreamed it. No, I’m afraid, the modern equivalent of this demagoguery comes from a darker, more ambitious and more volatile place: the mind of Eliot Spitzer.
Yes, the former New York governor and state attorney general — when he was known as the “Sheriff of Wall Street” — has been in the news a lot the last couple of days afterpolice responded to a complaint that he allegedly choked Svetlana Travis, 25, at the Plaza Hotel over the weekend. Spitzer denied the choking incident, and Travis has left the country for her native Russia without filing charges.
Whatever you make of this episode (the woman is less than half his age with an apparently spotty employment record), it’s fair to say it isn’t Spitzer’s lone lapse of judgment. Aside from his crazy behavior as governor (remember how he was accused of using state police to spy on a political opponent?), who can forget the reason he was ultimately forced out of office: a federal sting operation that caught him having sex with a hooker in Washington, DC.
This rendezvous, as I pointed out in this paper back in 2013, was paid for in part by New York’s taxpayers because the ex-gov muscled his way into a congressional subcommittee meeting and used state resources to cover his travel expenses.
(Spitzer paid for the hooker himself.)
But these are mere symptoms of Spitzer’s larger disorder: recklessness that manifests itself not just in his personal life, but in his professional one as well, where he continually pursued political prosecutions against all reasonable evidence.
This is something voters should consider whenever they hear Warren or Sanders parrot their Spitzer-inspired bile on the campaign trail, or when another ambitious prosecutor looks to make his political bones on the backs of the business community with nebulous evidence.
Or if Spitzer, as he did just a couple of years ago, attempts to return to public life.
Of course, Spitzer didn’t invent the idea of using Wall Street prosecutions as a springboard to higher office. Indeed, the great Mayor Rudy Giuliani used that playbook as US attorney and we were lucky to have him.
But Spitzer did reach new heights in his self-aggrandizement and new lows in basing many of his prosecutions as attorney general on nebulous evidence that resulted in failed cases — something that has become a benchmark for the left ever since.
On his watch there were lots of press conferences and left-wing media adulation as he threw mud at his targets — but none of his top white-collar bad guys went to jail. Those who fought back often had success.
Maybe the most blatant example came in 2005 when Spitzer accused Hank Greenberg of using shady accounting to gin up profits at the insurer he ran, AIG. Forget for a moment that Greenberg denied the charges and the numbers involved were picayune; the hoopla eventually forced Greenberg to resign and sent the company into management disarray.
Spitzer didn’t seem to care. He used the AIG case to propel himself into the governor’s mansion in 2007 while taking to the airwaves to label Greenberg a “fraud” even before filing any charges.
Eventually, a far worse financial calamity would hit AIG. The new, Greenberg-less management ramped up so much risk at AIG, the company’s insolvency became one of the triggers for the 2008 financial crisis.
And as for the case against Greenberg: It exists as a shell of what Spitzer initially brought with nearly all the charges having been dropped. The 90-year-old Greenberg maintains his innocence and has sued Spitzer for libel, for good measure.
As far as I’m concerned, the tribulations of Spitzer’s personal life are a mere symptom of a broader dysfunction of reckless, ends-justify-the-means politicking that, I’m afraid, is here to stay.
Thank you, Eliot.
Charles Gasparino is a Fox Business Network senior correspondent.
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