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The City's Judge, Cynthia Kern, Dismisses Petition To Stop City Point Project in Brooklyn

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Matter of Families United for Racial & Economic Equality v Bloomberg
2013 NY Slip Op 51640(U)
Decided on October 4, 2013
Supreme Court, New York County
Kern, J.
Published by New York State Law Reporting Bureau pursuant to Judiciary Law § 431.
This opinion is uncorrected and will not be published in the printed Official Reports.

Decided on October 4, 2013 
Supreme Court, New York County


In the Matter of the Application of Families United for Racial and Economic Equality, LOCAL 46 METALLIC LATHERS and REINFORCING IRONWORKERS, IRONWORKERS LOCAL 361, IRONWORKERS LOCAL 580, ENTERPRISE ASSOCIATION STEAMFITTERS LOCAL 638, CEMENT LEAGUE, INC. and NEW YORK STATE ASSEMBLY MEMBER WALTER T. MOSLEY, Petitioners, For a Judgment Pursuant to Article 78 and § 7001 of the Civil Practice Law & Rules 

against

Michael Bloomberg, as Mayor of the City of New York, ROBERT K. STEEL, as Deputy Mayor for Economic Development and Rebuilding, NEW YORK CITY DEPARTMENT OF HOUSING PRESERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT, NEW YORK CITY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION, NEW YORK CITY HOUSING DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION, ACADIA REALTY TRUST, ALBEE DEVELOPMENT LLC, WASHINGTON SQUARE PARTNERS, INC. and BFC PARTNERS DEVELOPMENT LLC, Respondents.



100685/13 

Cynthia S. Kern, J.

Petitioners Families United for Racial and Economic Equality ("Families United"), Local 46, Metallic Lathers and Reinforcing Ironworkers ("Metallic Lathers"), Ironworkers Local 361 ("Local 361"), Ironworkers Local 580 ("Local 580"), Enterprise Association Steamfitters Local 638 ("Enterprise"), Cement League, Inc. (the "Cement League") and New York State Assembly Member Walter T. Mosley ("Mr. Mosley") bring the instant proceeding (1) pursuant to Article 78 of the Civil Practice Law and Rules ("CPLR") seeking to challenge respondents Michael Bloomberg, as Mayor of the City of New York ("Mayor Bloomberg"), Robert K. Steel, as Deputy Mayor for Economic Development and Rebuilding ("Mr. Steel"), New York City Department of Housing Preservation and Development ("HPD") and New York City Economic Development Corporation's ("EDC") determinations (a) refusing to issue a Supplemental Environmental Impact Statement ("SEIS") addressing the cumulative impact of the development in Downtown Brooklyn since 2004 on the City Point Project's (the "Project") impact on the environment; and (b) refusing to issue an SEIS addressing the impact on the communities throughout Brooklyn of the payment of very low wages and no benefits for construction work on the Project; and (2) pursuant to CPLR § 7001 seeking to enjoin respondents Mayor Bloomberg, Mr. Steel, HPD, EDC, New York City Housing Development Corporation ("HDC"), Acadia Realty Trust ("Acadia"), Albee Development LLC ("Albee"), Washington Square Partners, Inc. ("Washington Square") and BFC Partners Development LLC ("BFC") from taking any further actions in connection with financing or constructing the Project unless and until certain obligations are satisfied, including holding a new public hearing on the Project. Respondents Acadia, Albee, Washington Square and BFC (collectively referred to as the "developer respondents") move for an Order pursuant to CPLR §§ 3211(a)(2), (3) and (5) and 7804(f) dismissing the petition on the grounds that the claims contained in the petition are time-barred, unripe and that petitioners lack standing to bring the petition. Respondents Mayor Bloomberg, Mr. Steel, HPD, EDC and HDC separately cross-move for an Order dismissing the petition on the same grounds. The motions are consolidated for disposition. For the reasons set forth below, the petition is denied and the motions to dismiss the petition are granted.
The relevant facts are as follows. Families United is a not-for-profit corporation composed of residents of Downtown Brooklyn and the surrounding neighborhoods who support equitable community development to ensure equal access to affordable housing, good jobs and support services for low income and working class families. Metallic Lathers, Local 361, Local 580 and Enterprise are labor organizations with members who live within certain neighborhoods near the Project in Downtown Brooklyn. The Cement League is a not-for-profit corporation [*2]constituting an association of employers in the concrete construction industry that employ union craftsmen and craftswomen in New York City performing work similar to the work required for the Project. Mr. Mosley is the New York State Assembly Member for the 57th District which consists of the neighborhoods including Clinton Hill, Fort Greene, Prospect Heights, parts of Crown Heights and Bedford Stuyvesant.
Acadia is an equity real estate investment trust which holds title to the Project through Acadia Realty Acquisition III LLC. Albee owns the leasehold in the Project now being developed by the other developer respondents. Washington Square is an equity owner of the Project in partnership with Acadia. BFC is the developer of Tower I of the Project. Mayor Bloomberg is the Mayor of the City of New York and Mr. Steel is the Deputy Mayor of the Office for Economic Development and Rebuilding which is the agency charged with conducting environmental review of the Project under the New York State Environmental Quality Review Act ("SEQRA") and the City Environmental Quality Review ("CEQR"). HPD is an agency of the City of New York charged with the responsibility of ensuring compliance with SEQRA for real estate projects for which it provides subsidies and which has provided financial support for the Project and is considering providing additional financial assistance for the Project. Finally, EDC and HDC are agencies of the City of New York which are authorized to make available publicly subsidized bonds for lawful real estate projects built within the City of New York and which have provided financial support for the Project and are considering providing additional financial assistance for the Project.
On April 30, 2004, a Final Environmental Impact Statement (the "2004 FEIS") was issued pursuant to SEQRA and CEQR by the Office of the Deputy Mayor for Economic Development and Rebuilding regarding the Project. The 2004 FEIS was supported by two days of public hearings held on March 24, 2004 and April 7, 2004 and revised the Draft EIS ("DEIS"), issued on November 28, 2003, to account for a potential mixed use arena development in the Atlantic Terminal Area of Brooklyn that could affect the conditions assessed in the DEIS. Petitioner Ms. James and Joy Chatel, a member of Families United, participated in the hearings and submitted oral and written comments on the DEIS. The 2004 FEIS identified a probable impact in six different areas of the 13 separate and distinct public approvals and changes to existing zoning and density rules required by the proposed development, which included Historic Resources, Hazardous Materials, Traffic, Transit and Pedestrians, Air Quality and Noise and forecast some potential negative impacts in each of those areas under the Downtown Brooklyn Development Plan and suggested possible steps to mitigate the expected impacts on the environment. The City Council adopted the Downtown Brooklyn Rezoning in June 2004 and no legal challenge to the 2004 FEIS was brought.
EDC entered into a long-term ground lease agreement with Albee in 2007 to develop the Project on New York City-owned land at the intersection of DeKalb and Flatbush Avenues in Brooklyn (the "2007 Lease"). The development for the Project set forth in the 2007 Lease differed from that contemplated in the 2004 FEIS in part by its inclusion of 1,064 residential units and a reduction in commercial office space of 1.1 million square feet. The 2007 Lease also contained a provision regarding the wages that must be paid to the construction workers who labor to construct the Project, namely, that "all persons employed by Tenant with respect to Construction Work, shall be paid, without subsequent deduction or rebate unless authorized by [*3]law not less than the minimum hourly rate required by law."
The 2007 Lease was the subject of a public hearing held by Mayor Bloomberg's Office of Contract Services ("OCS") on May 25, 2007. Members of Families United participated in the public hearing and submitted oral and written comments critical of the terms of the 2007 Lease. However, neither Families United nor the other petitioners brought a legal challenge to the award of the 2007 Lease to Albee. Also in connection with the proposed Lease, in or around July 2007, New York City issued a Modification Technical Memorandum (the "2007 MTM") to the 2004 FEIS pursuant to SEQRA in order "to determine whether the changes to the previously approved Downtown Brooklyn Development project, which was the subject of the [2004 FEIS], or changes in background conditions from 2004 to 2007 would alter the conclusions presented in the 2004 FEIS and would result in any significant adverse environmental impacts that were not previously identified." The 2007 MTM analyzed, among other things, whether changes to the Project would result in socioeconomic or cumulative impacts that were not identified in the 2004 FEIS. Specifically, the 2007 MTM found that the revised plan for the Project would result in the displacement of businesses which employed 332 workers in 2007 but that such displacement did not meet the criteria for significant adverse displacement as outlined in the 2001 CEQR Technical Manual and represented less than 1 percent of the 2002 total Study Area employment as reported in the 2004 FEIS. Thus, the 2007 MTM concluded that no new significant environmental impacts would be created and that an SEIS was not warranted. No legal challenge was brought regarding such determination.
In June 2009, Albee applied to the New York City Industrial Development Agency for Recovery Zone Facility Bonds to help fund Phase I of the Project. On September 10, 2009, the New York City Capital Resources Corporation ("CRC") held a public hearing on the issue of whether to approve $20 million in bonds for the Project. Members of Families United submitted written testimony opposing the issuance of the bonds, which were ultimately issued by the City. Also in 2009, the City publicly proposed modifications to the 2007 Lease that would permit the Project to be developed in phases rather than as a single-phase development. Members of Families United participated in the public hearing held on the proposed lease modification on December 22, 2009 and again submitted comments critical of the Project, including comments that the Project would not provide enough affordable housing and was not providing appropriate relocation support to local residents displaced by the Project. HPD prepared responses to Families United's comments, which were submitted to OCS along with a recommendation that the modified lease be approved. The modified ground lease was executed in 2010 (the "2010 Lease") and no legal challenge to the City's action was brought by petitioners.
The first phase of the Project ("Phase I") consisted of a 50,000 square foot retail building and was completed in early 2012. The second phase of the Project ("Phase II") began in July 2012 and will include approximately 600,000 square feet of additional retail space and two residential towers to be constructed above the space. The first residential tower ("Tower 1"), which is being developed by BFC and financed by HDC, will contain approximately 250 units, half of which will allegedly be earmarked for affordable housing. The second residential tower ("Tower 2"), which is being developed by The Brodsky Organization and Michael Field, will contain approximately 440 market rate units. Phase III, which has not yet begun, will consist of an approximately 560,000 square foot tower with retail, residential and office space. [*4]
On October 5, 2012, counsel for petitioners wrote to Acadia advising it that they had reason to believe that on Phase I of the Project, the construction workers were paid an hourly wage of $15 for hours worked with no benefits at all and requested information on the Project concerning the labor conditions, safety record and extent of public financing. On October 16, 2012, Acadia responded but petitioners allege it did not provide any of the requested information regarding the wages, paid time off or employment benefit information and advised that "[a]lthough many of your statements are untrue, we do not believe that a letter is the appropriate forum in which to educate you as to the actual facts regarding the City Point Project."
On March 4, 2013, some of the petitioners sent a letter to the City respondents demanding that they conduct an SEIS to analyze the cumulative impact of the Project on the surrounding neighborhoods and to take into account the failure of the 2004 FEIS and the 2007 MTM to analyze the impact of the low wages to be paid on the Project on the socioeconomic conditions of the communities affected by the Project. These petitioners asserted that the outdated 2004 FEIS, based on hearings held nine years ago, was not a realistic assessment of the burdens being imposed on the Downtown Brooklyn communities given the extraordinary development that has occurred in Downtown Brooklyn in the last nine years. These petitioners further allege that Mr. Steel and the City respondents have ignored the request. Petitioners then commenced the instant Article 78 proceeding.
This court finds that petitioners do not have standing to bring their claims under SEQRA. Initially, petitioners do not have standing to challenge respondents' alleged failure to prepare an SEIS reviewing the impact of the low wages being paid to the construction workers on the Project on the Downtown Brooklyn communities. In order to establish standing to bring a claim under SEQRA, an individual petitioner must show (1) "that the in-fact injury of which it complains...falls within the zone of interests,' or concerns, sought to be promoted or protected by the statutory provision under which the agency has acted"; and (2) "that it would suffer direct harm, injury that is in some way different from that of the public at large." See Soc'y of Plastics Indus., Inc. v. Cnty. of Suffolk, 77 NY2d 761, 773-774 (1991). It is well-settled that economic injury alone will not provide standing to challenge environmental review under SEQRA as only certain socioeconomic impacts have been identified as within its zone of interests. See Mobile Oil Corp. v. Syracuse Indus. Dev. Agency, 76 NY2d 428 (1990). In the present case, petitioners have failed to establish that the injury of which they complain falls within the zone of interest of SEQRA as the injuries are purely economic in nature. Notably, petitioners cite no precedent supporting the notion that low wages for construction workers are a recognized environmental impact within SEQRA's purview. Petitioners' assertion that the Project's failure to pay its workers prevailing wages confers standing because it affects existing patterns of population concentration in the community and neighborhood character is without merit as petitioners provide no basis for such assertion.
Petitioners also do not have standing to challenge respondents' failure to prepare an SEIS reviewing the socioeconomic impact of the Project on the Downtown Brooklyn communities since the 2004 FEIS was prepared due to the indirect nature of such harms. The burden of establishing standing to raise a claim is on the party seeking review. See Soc'y of Plastics Indus., Inc., 77 NY2d 761. Where the issue of standing is disputed, "perfunctory allegations of harm" are insufficient; petitioners "must prove that their injury is real and different from the injury most [*5]members of the public face." Tuxedo Land Trust, Inc. v. Town of Tuxedo, 34 Misc 3d 1235(A) (Sup. Ct. Orange Cty. 2012), citing Save the Pine Bush, Inc. v. Common Council of City of Albany, 13 NY3d 297, 306 (2009). SEQRA does not have a general citizen suit provision, thereby narrowing the class of persons who may bring SEQRA-based challenges to agency action. Id. at 771. "Had the Legislature intended that every person or every citizen have the right to sue to compel SEQRA compliance—thus assuring above all else that the EIS process would be scrupulously followed, irrespective of the source of the challenge—it could easily have so provided; it did not." Soc'y of Plastics, 77 NY2d at 770.
An allegation of close proximity to a project "may give rise to an inference of injury enabling a nearby party to challenge an administrative determination without proof of actual injury" because of the unique types of environmental or land use injuries that those living near a project may face. Comm. to Pres. Brighton Beach & Manhattan Beach, Inc. v. Planning Comm'n of City of New York, 259 AD2d 26, 32-33 (1st Dept 1999); see also Gernatt Asphalt Products, Inc. v. Town of Sardinia, 87 NY2d 668 (1996). However, "[t]he status of neighbor does not...automatically provide the entitlement, or admission ticket, to judicial review in every instance" because a petitioner's proximity, even if in the neighborhood, still may be far enough away that the effect on the petitioner is no different than that suffered by the public generally. Sun-Brite Car Wash, Inc. v. Bd. of Zoning & Appeals of Town of North Hempstead, 69 NY2d 406, 414 (1987). There must also be something about living in the immediate proximity of the Project that exacerbates the direct impact of the Project of which the party complains. See Ziemba v. City of Troy, 37 AD3d 68 (3d Dept 2006).
In the present case, petitioners' assertion that they have standing based on the fact that certain members of Families United live in near the Project is insufficient to establish standing. The only allegation made to support such assertion is that increased development in the area around the Project since both the 2004 FEIS and the 2007 MTM were prepared will "place stress on the community's transportation, public protection, water and sewer services and will change the neighborhood character by increasing the availability of luxury housing..." and the petition lists a few members of Families United who live close to or near the Project. However, such an allegation describes the effect of the Project on the community as a whole and is insufficient to establish standing as petitioners have not established that any harm they will experience will be more direct than the harm experienced by others located around the borough. Therefore, petitioners have failed to allege a specific injury based on proximity and have failed to establish standing.
That portion of the petition which seeks to challenge respondents' (a) refusal to issue an SEIS addressing the cumulative impact of the development in Downtown Brooklyn since 2004; and (b) refusal to issue an SEIS addressing the impact on the communities throughout Brooklyn of the payment of very low wages and no benefits for construction work on the Project must also be denied on the ground that it is time-barred. There is a four month statute of limitations to bring an Article 78 proceeding to challenge an administrative determination that is measured from the date the determination becomes final and binding upon the petitioner. See NY CPLR § 217. Agency action is "final and binding upon a petitioner" when the agency has reached a definitive position on the issue that inflicts actual, concrete injury and when the injury inflicted may not be prevented or significantly ameliorated by further administrative action or steps [*6]available to the complaining party. Best Payphones, Inc. v. Department of Information, Technology and Communications of City of New York, 5 NY3d 30 (2005). Further, the statute of limitations begins to run "when the agency adopts plans committing itself to a course of action which may affect the environment." Metro. Museum Historic Dist. Coal. v. De Montebello, 20 AD3d 28, 35 (1st Dept 2005).
In this case, all relevant determinations were made more than four months before this action was commenced. The City respondents made their final determination approving plans for the Project in the 2004 FEIS issued on April 30, 2004. Therefore, petitioners had four months from then to challenge the sufficiency of the 2004 FEIS but failed to do so. Additionally, the 2007 MTM, another final determination, was issued in July 2007. Thus, petitioners had four months from then to challenge the sufficiency of the report but again failed to do so. Petitioners have been actively involved in the various public hearings and review processes for the Project and for the Downtown Brooklyn Rezoning, beginning at least as early as 2003, when the DEIS was available for comment. Additionally, petitioners participated in public hearings involving the Project in 2007 and 2009, specifically regarding the 2007 Lease and the 2009 proposed modification to the 2007 Lease. However, petitioners did not commence legal action to challenge the sufficiency of the environmental review for any of these actions.
Petitioners' assertion that their request that respondents prepare an SEIS started the statute of limitations and thus, the petition is timely as this proceeding was brought within four months of that request is without merit. The First Department has specifically held that a request to prepare such a supplemental review may not be used to circumvent the four-month statute of limitations.See Metro. Museum Historic Dist. Coal., 20 AD3d at 28. In that case, a group of local residents sued the Metropolitan Museum of Art and various City agencies midway through a construction project to expand the Museum. The Article 78 petition was filed three years after the New York City Department of Parks had approved the plan for the museum expansion but petitioners argued that the statute of limitations should run from the date of a letter they sent to respondents demanding that SEQRA review be undertaken regarding the impact of the museum expansion and not from the date that project approvals were issued. In denying petitioners' appeal, the First Department stated, 

We reject petitioners' attempt to circumvent the four-month statutory period by characterizing this proceeding as one in the nature of mandamus, as the statute of limitations begins to run from the time of the agency's determination, and not from petitioners' demand that the Parks Department conduct a SEQRA review of the project. 

Id. at 36. Thus, the ability to challenge past agency actions on SEQRA grounds cannot be resuscitated by requesting in writing that an SEIS be prepared as the time to challenge alleged deficiencies in the environmental review of an agency action is at the time the agency takes action. See Sierra Club, Inc. v. Power Auth. of State of NY, 203 AD2d 15 (1st Dept 1994)(petitioners' request for an agency's declaratory ruling on the applicability of SEQRA was merely a subterfuge to revive time-barred claims as the challenge was actually to the prior administrative action and was thus beyond the statute of limitations); see also Bonar v. Shaffer, 140 AD2d 153 (1st Dept 1988)(Department of State's refusal to provide an advisory opinion concerning the validity of its own regulations was not improper "particularly since it appears that [*7]petitioner's renewal of communications with the Department of State after the passage of more than a year following approval of the conditional license may have been a subterfuge to revive the limitations period for the purpose of maintaining an article 78 proceeding").
Petitioners' assertion that the petition is timely because the request for an SEIS was made based on the requirement that respondents review the environmental impact of the Project pursuant to SEQRA as new information becomes known is also without merit. An agency performing pursuant to SEQRA has a "continuing duty to evaluate new information relevant to the environmental impact of its actions...so that important new information will not be ignored by the decision maker." Matter of Glen Head-Glenwood Landing Civil Council, Inc. v. Town of Oyster Bay, 88 AD2d 484, 494 (2d Dept 1982); see also 6 NYCRR § 617.9(a)(7)(i)(b). However, in this case, petitioners have not established what, if any, new information exists since the 2007 MTM was prepared which would require respondents to prepare an SEIS. The assertion that the payment of non-prevailing wages to construction workers on the Project was "new information" is without basis as the wage requirement for the Project was made final in 2007 and petitioners had the opportunity to challenge it at that time. However, even if that information could be considered "new," any wage claim under SEQRA is foreclosed as any injury based on such claim is purely economic. Additionally, even if petitioners were not aware of the wage issue in 2007, they became aware of such issue as early as October 2012 when they claim to have received information about the wages being paid to the construction workers on the Project. However, petitioners waited over five months to request that the City respondents prepare an SEIS reviewing the impact of these wages. Therefore, such claims are time-barred.
Additionally, that portion of petitioners' petition which seeks to enjoin respondents from taking any further actions in connection with financing or constructing the Project unless and until certain obligations are satisfied, including holding a new public hearing on the Project is denied on that ground that such claims are unripe for review. It is well-settled that an Article 78 proceeding may only be brought to challenge a final agency determination. CPLR § 7801. A court lacks subject matter jurisdiction to issue an opinion in the absence of a genuine legal dispute and thus does not have discretion as to whether to entertain an unripe claim. See Combustion Eng'g, Inc. v. Travelers Indem. Co., 75 AD2d 777 (1st Dept 1980). In order for an agency action to be deemed ripe for review, two criteria must be satisfied: (1) "the action must impose an obligation, deny a right or fix some legal relationship as a consummation of the administrative process...[meaning] a pragmatic evaluation [must be made] of whether the" decision maker has arrived at a definitive position on the issue that inflicts an actual, concrete injury; and (2) there must be a finding that the apparent harm inflicted by the action "may not be prevented or significantly ameliorated by further administrative action or by steps available to the complaining party." Gordon v. Rush, 100 NY2d 236, 242 (2003).
In the instant action, petitioners' request for an injunction preventing respondents from taking any further action in connection with future financing of the Project, including issuing tax exempt bonds, unless and until respondents have satisfied their alleged obligations under SEQRA and CEQR is denied as unripe. Petitioners base their request for such relief on an anticipated failure of the City respondents to conduct reviews under SEQRA and CEQR prior to providing any further financial support for the Project. However, the request is premature as there is no final agency determination for this court to review. See Town of Riverhead v. Cent. [*8]Pine Barrens Joint Planning & Policy Comm'n, 71 AD3d 679 (2d Dept 2010)(claim is not ripe where planning board had not yet made a determination as to approval of a development project). As respondents have affirmed they have not yet made a determination approving the financing or subsidies anticipated in the petition, there has been no actual, concrete injury. Petitioners have also failed to demonstrate that any harm associated with such prospective determinations could not be prevented or significantly ameliorated by further administrative action or by steps available to petitioners such as future opportunities to comment and for the City respondents to consider their comments. See Hells' Kitchen Neighborhood Ass'n v. N.Y.C. Dep't of City Planning, 6 Misc 3d 1031(a) (Sup. Ct. NY Cty. 2004)(claim of SEQRA injury unripe where SEQRA process had not concluded and petitioners still had future opportunities to comment and for the agency to consider their comments).
Accordingly, respondents' motions to dismiss the petition are granted and the petition is denied. The petition is hereby dismissed in its entirety. This constitutes the decision and order of the court. 

Dated:October 4, 2013Enter: ______________________________
J.S.C.

A Republican Super PAC Requests Cuomo's Moreland Records

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6:02 am Oct. 15, 2013
A national Republican group is looking for fresh material to illustrate Andrew Cuomo's Moreland Commission problem.
Today, America Rising, a Republican super PAC, will file a Freedom of Information Law request for records related to the Cuomo administration's role in the commission's subpoena process.
Cuomo appointed the Moreland Commission in July, after legislators failed to pass a new ethics bill during the legislative session, despite a spate of arrests that include members of the State Legislature.
But the commission hasn't gone exactly as planned. Legislators promptly rebuffed requests to dislose their outside income, and when the commission's investigation expanded to include some Cuomo allies, the administration reportedly intervened to deflect the subpoenas. 
The letter from America Rising quotes two Daily News stories that reported commissioners were discouraged from issuing subpoenas to the Real Estate Board of New York and to the New York State Democratic Party. Neither of those groups was ultimately subpoenaed, though the state Republican and Independence parties did receive subpoenas.
"These reports indicate Governor Cuomo and his top aides have intervened in the affairs of an independent board to protect his political donors and advance the interests of his party, while launching partisan investigations against his opponents," writes Tim Miller, the executive director of America Rising, in the FOIL request. "This would be a gross violation of the public trust."
America Rising specializes in opposition research, and was conceived in part as an answer to Democratic groups like American Bridge, which helped derail Todd Akin's Senate bid in Missouri, and repeatedly dinged Mitt Romney during the presidential election.
The group, which is based outside of Washington, D.C., was formed in March by Miller, a former spokesman for the Republican National Committee, and Joe Pounder, the R.N.C.'s former research director.
In his letter, Miller specifically requests any "copies of all physical and or electronic correspondence, memoranda, scheduled meetings and records of phone calls between the staff of Governor Andrew Cuomo and members and staff of the Moreland Commission to Investigate Public Corruption" with regard to the Real Estate Board and party-related subpoenas.
Cuomo has denied that he personally intervened to affect the subpoena process, but the governor was less definitive about whether his aides may have been involved.
"You know that the Moreland Commission is staffed by people from the governor's office and the attorney general's office. We staff the commission,” Cuomo told reporters in Utica last week. “The co-chairs vote on what subpoenas to do and it requires a unanimous vote of the co-chairs.”
Targeting Cuomo would seem to reflect the governor's good standing heading into 2016. America Rising has put a particular focus on framing possible presidential candidates, including a "Stop Hillary" campaign that's hoping to damage or derail her potential candidacy.
The group also assists in contested congressional and gubernatorial elections, and it rankled members of Congress over the summer when it sent trackers into the Capitol building.
Cuomo's race for re-election is not currently expected to be competitive.

A False Light on Corruption: The Moreland Commission

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Governor Andrew Cuomo's lack of concern for, and/or knowledge of, New York State's informed citizens  on the issue of public corruption shows when he appointed members of his inner circle to The Moreland Commission.

The Moreland Commission became a joke. What Cuomo wanted to do is glorify himself by setting up a panel to hear about how wonderful he was, and instead, he heard the opposite. I doubt that any more hearings will be scheduled, and I think that Cuomo should admit he was misinformed about the anger and frustration in New York State against the public corruption which is rampant under his watch. People know that Cuomo is not above the other public officials, but is just as corrupt as any of them. Cuomo is, afterall, part of The Family, documented so well by Tom Fitton in his Corruption Chronicles..

Betsy Combier

Off the leash 

Gov. Cuomo's anti-corruption commission shows some teeth

Comments (1)

LINK

Time to play hardball.

Just when Gov. Cuomo’s anti-corruption commission seemed a dying quail, its leaders barraged the state’s major political parties with subpoenas — on top of issuing demands for information from the Legislature.
What explains the sudden show of aggression? You connect the dots.
Dot 1: Cuomo and Attorney General Eric Schneiderman create the Commission to Investigate Public Corruption, with the governor declaring that the panel would be an “independent” force, free to pursue all leads — including any that lead to his desk.
Dot 2: Daily News Albany Bureau Chief Kenneth Lovett reveals that the commission is not so independent after all. Sources tell Lovett that it dropped certain subpoenas under pressure from Cuomo’s top aides.
Dot 3: The shelved subpoenas include one aimed at the state Democratic Party’s “housekeeping” account, which had financed ads promoting the governor’s agenda. In one case, the commission actually delivers a subpoena to the Democrats’ ad-buying firm, then pulls it back.
Dot 4: Reform-minded voices, including this page, warn Cuomo that back-room meddling risks trashing the commission’s credibility — and ruining this generation’s last, best shot at cleaning up Albany.
Dot 5: In a meeting with the Daily News Editorial Board, Cuomo acknowledges that the panel is not truly independent since it answers to him and uses staff borrowed from his office. He also says that he was concerned only that all subpoenas approved by the commission’s co-chairs — Nassau District Attorney Kathleen Rice, Syracuse DA William Fitzpatrick and former federal prosecutor Milton Williams — would be legally defensible.
“If a subpoena is challenged — or the authority of the commission is challenged — and the commission loses, you go to a very bad place right away,” he said, adding that subpoenas were going out.
Dot 6 : A few hours later, the commission announces a unanimous vote to subpoena the “housekeeping” records after all — and not just from the Democrats, but also from the Republican, Conservative and Working Families parties, plus the housekeeping accounts controlled by legislative leaders.
“The meeting was like turning over a new leaf, a fresh start,” one insider told Lovett.
Sunlight brought a not-so-pretty picture into useful focus. Cuomo should stand back and let it stay that way.

Andrew Cuomo's Announcement He Was setting Up The Moreland Commission
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yrD1fgg7u20

NYS Governor introducing The Moreland Commission
 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F19-452lLGQ&feature=player_detailpage

NYC Moreland Commission on Public Corruption September 17, 2013
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ltI-1Z5wcXQ

Testimony of Attorney Mark A. Sacha at The Moreland Commission
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A4OuwwwNIF4

Governor Cuomo on NY Utility Companies
 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K-pgCqGo0Qw

Will Galison's Interview With Moreland Commission Member John Amodeo AKA "John Owens"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AlK-KOzq538

Testimony of Elena Sassower at the Moreland Commission public meeting
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OZ4CpWkOLlc&feature=youtu.be

Testimony of Will Galison at The Moreland Commission
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zwvnSNwEUdo&feature=player_detailpage

Will Galison's attempted interview with Moreland Commission member Regina Calcaterra
 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cCUjkviJ5Do

From Elena Sassower:
Has the Commission to Investigate Public Corruption shut down public hearings because of conflicts of interest?

According to the terse October 15th “Statement From Moreland Commission Co-Chairs”, the Commission “will continue its mandate of investigating corruption…holding public hearings…”   http://www.publiccorruption.moreland.ny.gov/press-release/moreland-commission-statement-from-co-chairs

When might those next “public hearings” be?   

Is the reason the Commission is NOT holding “public hearings” because they expose conflicts of interest of Commission members, advisors, and staff?  To date, the Commission has afforded the public only an hour and a half at a single public hearing – the Manhattan hearing – to testify as to the breadth of public corruption within its knowledge and experience.

The Commission’s conflicts of interest were highlighted by my testimony at the Commission’s September 17th Manhattan hearing and by the testimony of Mark Sacha at the Commission’s September 24th Albany hearing, to which I gave audible comment from the audience.    The video clips, as well as the full hearings, are here:   www.judgewatch.org/web-pages/searching-nys/commission-to-investigate-public-corruption/people-evidence/menu-people-evidence.htm

Attached is my October 17th letter to Commission members and special advisors on the subject.  It is posted, with my prior correspondence to the Commission, most importantly, my August 5th  and October 4th letters, here: http://www.judgewatch.org/web-pages/searching-nys/commission-to-investigate-public-corruption/aug-5-2013-ltr-etc.htm .

I am available to answer your questions and to be interviewed.

Thank you.

Elena Sassower, Director
Center for Judicial Accountability, Inc. (CJA)

NYS Administrative Judges Accuse Department of Consumer Affairs' Commissioner Jonathan Mintz of Pressuring Them To Fine Small Bussinesses

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Second judge claims pressure for fining small businesses

Susan Edelman, NYPOST

LINK

A second administrative law judge has come forward with a suit claiming she was strong-armed into slapping small businesses with hefty fines for alleged violations of city rules.
In a case filed in Brooklyn Supreme Court, Judge Susan Kassapian says her bosses in the city Department of Consumer Affairs would “illegally pressure” her and other judges to rule against businesses appealing their violations.
“Some of these fines wind up crushing the small businesses — they’re draconian fines in light of the small infractions,” said Kassapian’s lawyer, Stewart Karlin.
Kassapian’s suit comes on the heels of a case brought in July by the city’s longest-serving administrative law judge, Michelle Mirro, who also says the city coerced her into imposing maximum fines on small-business violations.
The city has reaped a fortune off penalties paid by small businesses.
Consumer Affairs issued 24,176 fines in the 2012 fiscal year, compared to 9,719 a decade earlier — a nearly threefold increase, records show. During that time, revenue from fines jumped from $4 million to $14 million.
The Health Department reaped $52 million in fines in 2012, more than six times the $8.2 million it collected in 2002.
Kassapian’s suit, filed Friday, accuses the city of retaliating against her for complaining that officials wrongly interfered with her rulings. It says Mayor Bloomberg’s DCA commissioner, Jonathan Mintz, condoned the unethical practices.
Her suit cites several examples in which she was “forced” to rule against small businesses in favor of the DCA:
  • She wanted to dismiss charges that a jewelry store did not keep book records of secondhand purchases and sales because the business was following an NYPD directive to record such purchases on an online system.
  • She recommended dismissing a charge against a parking company for failing to protect bike-parking spaces with a barrier.
  • She recommended dismissing a charge of unlicensed sidewalk activity by a Houston Street pub.
  • She wanted to reduce a funeral home’s fine for not displaying prices on caskets.
  • She recommended dismissing a charge of unlicensed sales on a stand outside a flower shop.
Kassapian’s suit is “flatly without merit,” a DCA spokesman said.

EXCLUSIVE: Consumer Affairs judge Michele Mirro claims she was pressured to find merchants guilty

Michele Mirro, a judge at the city's Department of Consumer Affairs, has been reversed by superiors in numerous cases where she recommended a 'not guilty' decision or a lower fine, according to her lawsuit in Brooklyn Federal Court.

Jonathan Mintz

Comments (11)An administrative law judge at the city's Department of Consumer Affairs claims she was punished for resisting pressure from agency officials to find merchants guilty of violations and impose the maximum fines.
Michele Mirro, the longest-tenured judge at the agency, has been reversed by superiors in numerous cases where she recommended a "not guilty" decision or a lower fine, according to her lawsuit filed Monday in Brooklyn Federal Court.
Mirro accuses superiors at DCA of forcing her to change her verdict in favor of the agency, or to raise the fine in many cases.

RELATED: GONZALEZ: SECRET QUOTA SYSTEM HEAPS FINES ON BUSINESSES

"She is not allowed to be a judge," Mirro's lawyer Stewart Karlin told the Daily News. "Her basic function as a judge is being trampled on."

Elena Sassower: On The Corruption of The Moreland Commission

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The Commission to Investigate Public Corruption
October 28 Manhattan Hearing:

(1)    In conjunction with my registration to attend Monday’s hearing of the Commission to Investigate Public Corruption, which I also combined (in the address section, with a request to testify), I have sent a protest to the Commission, on behalf of the public, reading:

“On behalf of the public, I protest that the Commission's October 28th 'public hearing' is not only 'topic limited' to prevent the public from testifying as to the breadth of public corruption within its knowledge and experience, but that it explicitly excludes the public from even testifying as to that limited topic, relegating We, The People, to nothing more than spectators who may 'attend only'.” 

(2)    For those who already registered to attend Monday’s hearing of the Commission to Investigate Public Corruption (Oct 28), the start time of the hearing has been changed!  It now begins at 5 pm (with doors opening at 4 pm).

(3)    The end time also has been changed.  It is no longer 9:30 pm, but to “Conclusion of Invited Speaker Testimony”.  This change is obviously to prevent the embarrassment to the Commission that occurred at the Sept 24 Albany hearing – where the last scheduled witness finished 1/2 hour before the  announced 9 pm ending time, yet the Commission did not use the opportunity of the free ½ hour to invite members of the public who had come to the hearing hoping to testify and who had registered to testify to do so.  And, by the way, the reason the Commission had announced a 9 pm ending time for the Sept 24 Albany hearing was because it thought it could be “smart” and prevent a repeat of what happened at the Sept 17 hearing in Manhattan – which had not ended until 9:40 pm.

(4)    For those who have not yet registered for Monday’s hearing, you can still do so – notwithstanding the registration page says on top “”Submissions for this form are closed”.  Just proceed to the bottom & click to registration form.

(5)    Please let me know if you are planning to come, so that we can coordinate strategy, vis-à-vis, media, which will be there.  Again, if you have not furnished me with your written statements about your requests to the Commission to testify at public hearings – and its responses, if any – please do so, as soon as possible.

September 17 (Manhattan) Hearing

It is extremely important that witnesses who testified at the Commission’s September 17th hearing in Manhattan compare the stenographic transcription of their oral testimony with the video – both posted on our webpage “The People Have Something to Say -- & Evidence to Back It Up”, accessible via our homepage, www.judgewatch.org.  Here’s the direct link:   http://www.judgewatch.org/web-pages/searching-nys/commission-to-investigate-public-corruption/people-evidence/menu-people-evidence.htm .  So that you can see why, read my October 25th letter to the transcription company about the stenographic transcription of my oral testimony.  It is attached & here: http://www.judgewatch.org/correspondence-nys/2013-corruption-commission/10-25-13-ltr-to-precise-reporting-with-enclosure.pdf

By the way, my October 25th letter will be invaluable for our demand that court proceedings be audio/video recorded because of the inaccuracy &/or doctoring of transcripts.  Your experience &, more importantly, your filed complaints about inaccurate, doctored transcripts – and about court proceedings for which neither transcript nor recordings are available – are essential to our presentation on the subject to the Commission.  Let me hear from you!

September 17 (Manhattan) Hearing & September 24 (Albany) Hearing

Only by making public what the public is saying to the Commission about judicial and other governmental corruption will we be able to prevent the Commission from getting away with its intended cover-up. Read my October 24th letter to the Commission entitled “Public Access to the Record of the Commission’s September 17 and September 24th Public Hearings: Written Testimony & Other Supporting Materials”, posted on our website, here:http://www.judgewatch.org/correspondence-nys/2013-corruption-commission/10-24-13-ltr-to-calcaterra-with-enclosures.pdf .

Other Important Info

I probably don’t need to tell you that I will be voting NO on Proposition #6 – a constitutional amendment to extend the retirement age of NY Court of Appeals judges & Supreme Court justices to 80, from its present 70.  Earlier this week, I sent you an e-mail identifying that that ballot proposition had NOT been the subject of any legitimate legislative process in the Legislature.  

Catherine Wilson, who testified at the Commission’s Sept 17 Manhattan hearing, responded to that e-mail.  She stated she had done a financial analysis of the constitutional amendment proposal, available through Amazon:  

She described it, as follows: “Uncover the history and reasons behind the 2013 proposed NYS constitutional amendment to increase the judicial mandatory retirement age to age 80, an multi-million dollar exercise that will benefit only 1% of all NYS judges. Includes information regarding the mandatory retirement ages for other NYS employees, statistics regarding judicial retirements and demographic breakdown, and financial disclosure regarding current judicial compensation for judges over 70 collecting both court salaries and NYS pensions.” 

Thank you, Catherine, for your important contribution.

Lastly,

I have not yet written our Petition about the Commission and its hearings – but will do so, hopefully, within the next week.    Our target date for presenting it – to the Governor, etc. – with hopefully thousands of signatures -- will be December 1st – the date on which the Commission’s preliminary report is due.

Thank you.  As always, SPREAD THE WORD….FORWARD THIS E-MAIL!

Elena Sassower, Director
Center for Judicial Accountability, Inc. (CJA)

The Moreland Commission Exposed

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By Will Galison

Introduction: TheCommission to Investigate Public Corruption has been tasked with exposing, investigating and prosecuting corruption in every branch and at every level of New York's Government. But it is evident that it is using its vast powers to pursue only selected political “targets”, while taking extraordinary (and illegal) measures to protect other wrongdoers from prosecution; particularly those with personal, professional and political ties to the Commission and it's founders, Governor Cuomo and Attorney General Eric Schneiderman. To these ends, the Commission is employing three basic strategies:

1) Illegally limiting the scope of their investigation to the issue of Election Law, at the expense of all other matters of public corruption

2) Illegally banning the public from testifying about matters of public corruption other than election fraud- by banning public testimony completely.
3) Illegally altering and suppressing the official record of existent public testimony, so as to remove references of corruption by favored parties and institutions.

Part one of this series will address the last of these strategies, the “sanitization” and suppression of testimony submitted by public witnesses at the Commission's public hearing of September 17th 2013.

(Editors Note: On 10/3013 and again on 11/21/13, the Moreland Commission was asked to explain and correct  the alterations of the transcript as described below.  They have declined to respond)

Part 1:  How Governor Cuomo’s Moreland Commission to Investigate Public Corruption, illegally  tampered with witness testimony transcripts to protect their friends, colleagues, employers and themselves from criminal prosecution.

It’s About Trust”

When New York State Governor Andrew Cuomo announced the creation of the “Commission To Investigate Public Corruption” (aka “The Moreland Commission”) last July, he summed up his motivation succinctly: “it’s about trust… its about people’s trust of government… we want to restore the trust”.

The Commission was Governor Cuomo's direct response to the legislature’s rejection of his anti-corruption “Clean Up Albany” bill, and he vowed that it would be even tougher than the bill in routing out corruption in every corner of New York Government:
I said to the legislature right up front... if you don't pass the Clean up Albany legislation...I'm going to appoint a Moreland Commission… and THEY are going to clean up Albany”

Government Corruption a “Double Crime”

Governor Cuomo also spoke of his particular disgust with crimes involving public corruption, even in comparison to other crimes. public corruption is a double crime. Its the underlying crime and then it's the crime of breaching the public trust, because when you're an elected official…you say trust me, I'm here to serve you... so breaching that trust violating that trust to me is a separate and inexcusable offense.

Finally, the Governor stressed that the sterling integrity and efficacy of the Commission members would be a shining example to the public and politicians alike. As he spoke, the official motto of the Commission was emblazoned on an enormous banner behind him: “Restoring Public Trust in Government”:
[the Commission will vindicate good elected officials to the extent that they are now being tarnished by the implication of the wrongdoing of the few… I believe there has never been a more credible group of law enforcement officials assembled in this state.”

 “The Best and the Brightest”

Governor Cuomo could not have been more effusive in his praise of the Commission members; “I’m going to put together a group of the best and brightest law enforcements officials you have ever seen assembled, period, in the state of New York. “The blue ribbon commission …the all  stars,… a roster of who’s who in the law enforcement community. … If this government has something to hide this group of people is going to find it and they're going to expose it and that's what this is all about”. These are the “Untouchables” of the New York Law Enforcement, and their integrity, perceived and actual, is the cornerstone of Cuomo's plan to clean up NY Government.

The Role of the “Public” in the “Public Hearings”

One aspect of the hearings that Governor Cuomo did not address in his speeches introducing the Commission was the role of witnesses from the public, but that role is clearly stated in paragraph IX of his executive order106that created the Commission: “The Commission shall conduct public hearings around the State to provide opportunities for members of the public and interested parties to comment on the issues within the scope of its work.”

 

At the first public hearing on Sept 17, 2013 Commission Chairman Fitzpatrick also emphasized the importance of input from the public hearings in his speech. “our first task is to issue a report on or about December first of this year...and the gist of this hearing today is to assist us in drafting and eventually writing that report”

The Attempt to Bar the “Public” From the “Public Hearing” of September 17th, 2013.


In practice, however, the public's role in the hearings, appeared to be a low priority to the Commission. The Commission made no effort to announce the hearings through media,  and news venues such as WNYC, New York One, and the Post, News, Times and Voice all failed to mention them in advance. The Commission's website itself didn't even set up an RSVP system for registrants until nearly a week before the first hearing.
 
Despite the media blackout, however, word spread among the community of corruption victims who had been denied redress by existing oversight agencies for years. Many heard about the hearings through
The Center for Judicial Accountability, which notified its list of members and followers. When the first Commission hearing was held on September 17thabout a hundred people gathered at the entrance of Pace University to testify.


The excitement was palpable among the crowd that waited patiently behind police barricades before the opening of the hearings at 6:00 PM. But at about 5:45, Commission staffer Heather Green walked along the barricade with a clipboard in her hand. She asked the witnesses their names, glanced at her clipboard, then shook her head and told them,“I’m sorry, you’re not on the list”.  No explanation was given as to why dozens of people who had registered were “not on the list”, and the frustration of the witnesses gave way to anger and some near-altercations. Ominously, dozens of  NYPD officers were gathered at the scene, suggesting that the Commission expected public outrage at being excluded from the “public hearing”.

 

Ultimately, of the over one hundred witnesses that had gathered outside Pace University, fewer than 20 were allowed into hearing, and only 16 were ultimately allowed to testify. The majority of the seats in the patently undersized hearing room were filled by reporters, and the security details and staff of the invited speakers, who included Preet Bharara, Loretta Lynch and Cy Vance. When, after speaking, those luminaries left the room with their entourages, plenty of seats became available, but by that point the excluded witnesses waiting outside had long since given up and gone home.

The Politicians Speak; the Public Listens


Chairman William Fitzpatrick opened the hearing by lauding the credentials of each of the 25 Commissioners, followed by his statement of the Commission’s intent: “The public frustration and anger with corruption has reached the breaking point… We fully intend to complete [Cuomo’s] vision of restoring the trust of the people in its own government”, he declared.  Fitzpatrick’s rambling presentation was followed by equally longwinded speeches by Vance, Bharara and other invitees.

The “Public” Speaks Truth to Power


After the politicians had “run the clock” for over two hours, the members of the public were finally allowed to speak, but were granted a mere three minutes each to testify.  If the Commission strove to limit the public's participation because they feared it could expose corruption among their peers, their fears were well founded.  The witnesses named names, and cited specific cases of government corruption that had devastated their lives, and for which they could find no redress from any existing oversight agencies in New York State. To the Commission's obvious displeasure, nearly all of the witnesses complained of systemic  corruption in the Judiciary; the branch of Government that Attorney General Schneiderman claimed could “police itself”. Some complaints also implicated the architects of the Commission itself, Governor Cuomo, and AG Schneiderman:


Elena Sassower spoke of a pending lawsuit against NY State charging that the recent pay raises for Judges (and District Attorneys) were illegal and unconstitutional and naming Cuomo, Schniederman and Chef Judge Jonathan Lippman as defendants, among others . She also criticized the Commission for allowing conflicts of interest among its members.

Margarita Walters detailed how she lost custody of her only child and all of her assets through “a pretextual conspiratorial scheme of case fixing in the New York Court System”. She explained that she had taken her case to every appropriate authority, including Chief Judge Jonathan Lippman,  the Commission on Judicial Conduct, Governor Cuomo and Eric Schneiderman.

This writer, Will Galison, presented
evidence of corruption in the nomination and confirmation of Chief Judge Jonathan Lippman, including a recording of Judicial Nomination Commissioner Fred Brewingtonstating that he had “shredded” evidence submitted to the JNC. I also spoke of the coverup, by the NYPD and others of the murder of anti- corruption whistleblower Sunny Sheu. 


Several witnesses also submitted copious written documentation in support of their complaints. Ms Sassower submitted a stack of legal briefs seven inches high, documenting the Center for Judicial Accountability’s
lawsuit against Cuomo, Schneiderman and Lippman among others. I submitted the complaint against Chief Judge Jonathan Lippmanfiled with Preet Bharara, and the letter to Ray Kelly demanding an investigation into the death Sunny Sheu, neither of which had been responded to.

 

The Commission “Disappears” The Public's Written Testimony and Evidence

The Moreland Commission’s website, in it’s “Public Comments/ Testimony section, originally included the statement: “All written testimony submitted will be included on the record of the proceedings”, but immediately after the testimonies of September 17th, that extremely important provision has now been expunged from the website.

It was expunged presumably because it is being wantonly violated.  As of this writing, over two months after the hearing, not one word of the written testimony has yet been published. Effectively, all the written testimony and evidence that was submitted to the Commission is being withheld from the public. Is it part of some “secret record” for Commission eyes only? Will it be presented to Governor Cuomo and AG Schneiderman, or withheld from them as well? Or has it simply been shredded, like the JNC's evidence against Jonathan Lippman?

The only “record of the proceedings” available the public is the stenographic transcript of the public hearings.

           

The Commission Alters the Record.

 

The collection and suppression of the public's written testimony and evidence is violative of the Commission's mandate and would appear to constitute a deliberate cover-up of the crimes and corruption reported in those documents.


But even more sinister and illegal is the Moreland Commission's alteration of the transcript of the September 17th hearing, to reflect what they want it to say, rather than what the stenographer actually recorded in her notes. Moreover, the Commission posted the altered transcript on the website and misrepresented it as an unaltered transcript, inckuding this signed certification attached by the stenographer, Stefanie Krut, of Precise Court Reporting:

CERTIFICATION; I, STEFANIE KRUT, a Notary Public in and for the State of New York, do hereby certify: THAT the foregoing is a true and accurate transcript of my stenographic notes.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this 30th day of

September 2013.

Stefanie Krut

--------------------------------- STEFANIE KRUT, PRECISE COURT REPORTING



Is Stephanie KrutThe Worst Stenographer in the World? ...

In the transcript of the witness’s testimony, the sheer number of errors- including misspellings and omissions of key names and institutions - is shocking. But more alarming is the apparently deliberate pattern underlying the errors. Virtually all of the misspelled names of people and institutions associated with complaints against the judiciary, and many were of people with known ties to the Commission. For example:

 

    Chief Judge “Jonathan Lippman” is written “Jonathan Littman13 times, omitted 2 twice and never once spelled correctly.

 

    NY Administrative JudgeAnne T. Pfau”, is written: “Anne T. Fow”, twice

    Judge “Saralee Evans” is written: “Sarah Lee Evans

 

    Judge “Scarpino” is written: “Scarpiano

    Judge “Terrance McElrath” is written: “Terance Mukolrov

    Judge “Paula Hepner” is written: “Paula Hevner

    Attorney “Marc A Pergament” is written: “Marc A Pergamen

    Judge “Betty Elrin” (who is on the Commission) is spelled correctly in the Commissioner's portion and omitted in the Public portion.

    The “Judicial Nomination Committee” is written: “The Judicial Violations Committee

    The initials “JNC” are written: “JVC”three times

    The “Fund for Modern Courts” is written “The Funds for Modern Court”

    The “Committee on Judicial Conduct” is omittedtwice.

    Judge “Jacqueline Silverman” is omitted

“CASE fixing” is written: “fixing”

    -And my name, “Galison”, is spelled “Galveston19 times, even though it was spoken nine times by the commissioners.


None of the proper names listed above (and many more) were ever spelled correctly in the transcript. It should be noted that despite
formal requests by several witnesses to correct the hundreds of errors in their respective portions of the transcript, the Commission has refused to make any corrections and has not responded to any of the witnesses.

 

… Or a “Spelling Savant”?

 

As stunning as are the number and nature of “errors”in the transcript of the public's testimony, even more incredible is the accuracy of the transcript of the testimony of the Commission members and invited guest speakers, including US Attorney Preet Bharara and District Attorney Cyrus Vance Jr.

Whereas there are over 70 errors in the 122 lines of transcription of
my testimony,there are only five in the 152 lines of Mr. Bharara’s testimony.  In the nearly 500 lines of testimony of Chairman Fitzpatrick, there are zero substantive errors.

If the transcript was not altered, Ms. Krut is a speller with a nearly paranormal ability to discern between the various spelling of names that sound identical. For example,  

-Ms. Krut recorded the name of the law firm
Vladeck, Waldman, Elias and Engelhardwith perfect spelling, despite the rare variations in the names’ spelling. According to a search the Whitepages.com website, there are at least four different spellings of the name pronounced “vladuk” and the chance of it being spelled “Vladeck” spelling is about one in ten.


-The name “Engelhard” is seven times less common than its homonym “Engelhardt”, but Ms Krut made the distinction.

-The name that sounds like “Chamberlain” in the video is 20 times more likely to be spelled “Chamberlain” than “Chamberland”, but Ms. Krut nailed it.

 

- The name “Deringer”, as in “Freshfields, Bruckhaus & Deringer”, is three times more likely to be spelled with two “r”s than one, but Ms. Krut can apparently hear the difference.

In fact, Ms. Krut spelled perfectly every single proper name - approximately 50 different ones - uttered by Mr. Fitzpatrick in his introduction.


But does the discrepancy between the impeccable accuracy of the transcript of the government officials testimony and the butchering of the public witness’s testimony conclusively prove that the transcript was altered? Could it not be that after two and a half hours of carefully recording the politician’s speeches, the Stenographer suddenly became too exhausted to accurately transcribe? 
If true, the allegation that Commission tampered with the transcripts would mean that the “most credible, blue ribbon, who's who of New York law enforcement” is itself guilty of corruption, crimes and conspiracy. As Carl Sagan put it; “extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence” Is there proof?


The Smoking Gun

As it turns out, there is at least one feature of the transcript that proves beyond doubt that the transcript was alteredafter the stenographic notes were taken at the hearing. It occurred during Chairman Fitzgerald’s introduction of the Commission members and their accomplishments, as he introduced Commissioner Makau Mutua.

 

Here is what Fitzpatrick clearly says on the video at 7 minutes and 47 seconds:

Dean Makau Mutua is the Dean of the SUNY Buffalo Law School. He is also the SUNY Distinguished Professor and the Floyd Hilda Hurst Faculty Scholar at SUNY Buffalo. Dean Mutua came to us from Nairobi where he attended the University of

Dar-es-Salaam, and Nairobi's loss, believe me, was America's gain. He is also a graduate of Harvard Law School”.

The transcript is a subtly different however. At line 4 of page 7
Fitzpatrick states:

4
Dean Makau Mutua is the Dean of the SUNY Buffalo Law

5 School. He is also the SUNY Distinguished Professor and the

6 Hilda L. Hurst Faculty Scholar at SUNY Buffalo. Dean Mutua

7 came to us from Nairobi where he attended the University of

8 Dar-es-Salaam, and Nairobi's loss, believe me, was America's

9 gain. He is also a graduate of Harvard Law School.

Notice the differences? For one thing, Ms. Krut leaves out the name “Floyd”, from the phrase “Floyd and Hilda Hurst Faculty Scholar”- which is spoken on the video. Of course, even the best Stenographers occasionally miss a word or two, and the omission of “Floyd” from “Floyd Hilda Hurst” would seem like a trivial error.

But look closer. Ms. Krut also added something to the transcript that was not spoken byFitzpatrick at all. The transcript says “Hilda L. Hurst”, and Fitzpatrick never uttered the initial “L” or anything that sounded like it.

Could Ms. Krut have heard, between Fitzgerald’s words “Hilda” and “Hurst”, some random noise in the room that sounded to her like an “L”? If she did, it would be one of the most amazing coincidences in history, because Dean Makuta is, in fact, the “Floyd H. and Hilda L.Hurst Faculty Scholar at SUNY Buffalo”.


A stenographer may omit and misspell words that are spoken at a tribunal, but she cannot record information that she has no way of knowing, if it is not spoken at all. There is no possible way that Ms. Krut could have heard and typed the initial “L” because it was never uttered at the hearing. The initial “L” must have been placed in the transcript afterthe hearing, and that seemingly trivial fact has enormous ramifications.

The Significance of the Alterations

First of all, alteration of the transcript from her original notes means that Ms. Krut’s “certification” is fraudulent;  the transcript is not a “true and accurate transcript of [Krut’s] stenographic notes”.  It also means that the transcript was altered after the hearing and before the Moreland Commission posted it as the official record of the September 17thhearing.

 

Could the transcripts have been altered legallyt? The protocol for making corrections in the transcript is strict and well established. If the entity that ordered the transcript (in this case the Moreland Commission) wants corrections made in the transcript, it must send the desired corrections to the stenographic company that reported the hearing. If there is an electronic record (audio or audiovisual) of the hearing, the original Stenographer will check the transcript against the record and if the correction is warranted, will add the corrections as an addendum.

 

But according to Florence Seth, the owner of Precise Court Reporting, the Moreland Commission never contacted Precise Court Reporting or Ms Krut to request any changes in the transcripts. Ms. Krut’s supervisor, Kelly Iacobella, emphatically confirmed this, saying: “I can tell you straight up that they have not”.

And according to Ms. Seth, the Commission could not have altered the transcript either legally or technically; “The Moreland Commission cannot change [the transcript] on their own…you just can’t change things like that, this is a legal document that’s already been established…they don’t have the software to change the transcript” she said.

Harriet Ben Erdelman, the President of the New York Association of Court Reporters (NYACR) concurred: “the Court Reporter shouldn't have put the initial [“L”] in if it wasn't said... she would have written whatever was said verbatim.. corrections would not have been made except through the agency... they could not have sent [the corrections]  directly to the stenographer”.


Because the transcript was never sent to Precise Court Reporters for corrections, and because the Commission does not have the software to alter the transcript, the only possible conclusion is that Ms. Krut created the transcript not solely from her stenographic notes, as affirmed in her oath of certification, but with input from an outside source, which is illegal; all without the knowledge or authorization of her supervisor and employer. To knowingly alter a transcript that will be used in an official procedure is not only a violation of Court Reporter’s ethics; it is a felony under
NY Penal Code S 215.35 and to sign a false certification is perjury.

 

Ms. Krut did not illegally alter the transcript because she was irresistibly compelled to include Hilda Hurst’s middle initial (which she could not have known even existed).  Clearly, Ms. Krut altered the transcript, and broke the law, because someone bribed, threatened or otherwise coerced her into doing it, and the only party with a motivation to do so was the Commissioner or Commissionersfastidious enough to pour over the transcript, discover the missing “L” and order it replaced. That same fastidiousness is evident in the precisely correct orthography of rare and alternatively spelled names like Beinecke, Chamberland, Vladeck and Deringer.

Why the Commission altered the Transcript Secretly and Illegally

The Commissioners could have corrected the spelling mistakes easily and legally by simply asking Precise Court Reporting to make the requested changes, so why didn't they do that way? Because if they admitted to reviewing and correcting the transcript legally, how could they then explain the dozens of errors in the Public testimony? How could they explain not noticing the misspelling of Chief Judge Lippman's name 13 times?

The Commission altered the transcripts secretly, illegally, and selectively,and that process allowed then to introduce other changes that might suit their agenda, and if discovered, attribute them to Ms. Krut’s exhaustion or incompetence. This fact could explain why virtually all of the misspellings and omissions in the transcript were of the names of the Commission's friends and associates who were implicated in public complaints.

Conflicts of Interest Among the Commissioners


The glaring conflicts of interests of the Commissioners are too numerous to address in this article and will be he subject of separate article, but several were directly addressed  in t
he Center for Judicial Accountability’s August 5th, 2013 letter to the Commission: The letter, which has never been responded to,  asks the Commission to identify it’s protocol for dealing with obvious and potential conflicts of interest of Commission members, special advisors, or staff:

 

[Commission staffers]  Kelly Donovan and John Amodeo are part of Attorney General Schneiderman's senior staff, are they not? How then will they be handling complaints against Attorney General Schneiderman and the Attorney General's office for corrupting their duty to safeguard government integrity and constitutional governance?”

To expand on that point, how will Commissioner Special Advisor Ray Kelly handle the complaints already submitted against corruption in the NYPD? How will Milton Williams handle the numerous complaints against his old friend Judge Lippman, who Williams’ “Fund For Modern Courts” effectively put Lippman into power?


Moreover, how would any of Commissioners, as deputized “Little Attorney Generals”, handle complaints against the man who convened the Commission in the first place, Andrew Cuomo? The fact that the Commissioners are being asked to investigate their friends, colleagues employers  (and potentially themselves) is the very kind of situation for which conflict of interest rules exist.

The Commission Must Act on Every Crime of Which it Obtains Evidence

But, according to ¶ IV of
Executive Order 106:If in the course of its inquiry the Commission obtains evidence of a violation of existing laws, such evidence shall promptly be communicated to the Office of the Attorney General and other appropriate law enforcement authorities, and the Commission shall take steps to facilitate jurisdictional referrals where appropriate.”

That includes violations of law by anyone; including friends, colleagues, employers, family and even fellow Commissioners.

Whistle-bower: ADA Mark Sacha Exposes Corruption in the Moreland Commission


In fact, it has already been proven that the Moreland Commission will violate its own rules to protect its friends and associates.  In his testimony at the September 24th hearing in Albany. Veteran Assistant DA Mark Sacha made allegations of criminal acts and corruption against one of the Commissioners; Frank Sedita III. Mr. Sasha had been fired after serving as Assistant District Attorney under 6 different DA's over 25 years, because, he alleges, he exposed egregious campaign corruption by Sedita. Did the Commission report Sedita to the proper authorities as mandated by ¶IV of Executive Order 106?

No. According to Mr. Sacha, not only was his September 24thtestimony completely ignored-
his8- page follow up letter to the Commission, which details and documents his complaint has also gone unanswered and unacknowledged for nearly two months.


And ominously if not surprisingly, it was immediately after Mr. Sasha's testimony that the Commission banned testimony from non-invited guests entirely and permanently.

The Moreland Commission Protocol on Conflicts of Interest


The Moreland Commission has refused to divulge its protocol involving matters of conflicts of interest. Center For Judicial Accountability's August 5th letter specifically requested this protocol, but has been ignored by the Commission. When this reporter asked Executive Director Regina Calcaterra about the issue, she directed a State Trooper to detain him while she fled in her car.

Whatever the Commission's protocol on conflicts of interest may be, they are certainly bound by Public Officer's law    : a Commissioner who is presented with evidence implicating his friend, colleague or employer, should disclose that potential conflict of interest and recuse himself from any investigation regarding anyone or any matter with which he has a relationship.  But that would require every member of the commission to recuse themselves regarding complaints against Schneiderman or Cuomo, and that might make things pretty complicated.

A much simpler solution is to change the names on the transcript, so that his friends are no longer even mentioned in the record.  He would want every mention of your favored government officials and favored institution’s names altered, so that they would not show up on an electronic search and were not part of the official record, and that is exactly what the transcript reflects.

A corrupt commission would ignore any requests to correct the obvious errors and omissions in the transcript, and that is exactly what the Commission has done.

 

A corrupt commission would also want to make the transcript so hard to find that nobody would ever know that you altered it, and that is exactly what the Commission has done. Nobody visiting the website of the Commission will find the transcript because there is no link to it.

A corrupt commission would also not respond to any emails or phone calls regarding the transcript or the procedures on conflict of interest. And that is exactly what the Commission has done.

It appears that the Commission's protocol for handling conflicts of interest is to illegally change th record so that their friends are not mentioned in it. How can they prosecute Chief Judge Jonathan “Littman” or Administrative Judge Anne “Fow”, when no such people exist? And how can they pursue a complaint by the mysterious Will Galveston, who also does not exist?

By Altering The Transcripts, Moreland Commissioners Committed Multiple Felonies

The alteration of the transcript is much more than a violation of Commission Rules; it may constitute commission of a number of of State and Federal felonies under state and federal law, including:


1) S 215.40  Tampering with physical evidence, both for the suppression of witness testimony and for the alteration of the transcript, which constitutes physical evidence under NY law.

2)S 215.00  Bribing a witness, for influencing Ms. Krut to alter the transcript.
3)
Federal law 18 U.S.C. § 2541 for conspiracy to deprive the rights of the witnesses for redress of grievances, among other things.
4)
Crimes under Color of Law, for all of the above in their official capacities as deputized Attorney Generals.
5)
NYS Public Officers law§74, for using his or her official position to secure unwarranted privileges or exemptions for himself or herself or others


Who is Guilty?

Certainly, any Commission members, advisors, or staff who were involved in the altering of the transcripts must be prosecuted by Federal law enforcement.

 

Stenographer Stefanie Krut is apparently also guilty of tampering with physical evidence, but could be given clemency for revealing who in the Commission requested the illegal changes, what changes were made, and who paid her for altering the transcript.

It is possible that not all of the Commission members, advisors and staff are complicit in the alteration of the transcripts. But according to section IV of Executive Order 106, every member of the Moreland Commission is compelled to report evidence of this crime to the appropriate authorities, and as this article is being sent to all of them at the time of publication, they will be aware of these crimes by the time you read these words. If they do not immediately communicate this evidence to the Office of the Attorney General and other appropriate law enforcement authorities”, including the Justice Department and the FBI, then they are as complicit and guilty as those that altered the transcript, and must be punished accordingly.

The Moreland Commission Is Not Merely a Sham; It is the Epitome of Corruption; a Disgrace and a Danger to the State of New York.

If, as Governor Cuomo claims to believe, official corruption is a “double crime” of particular heinousness, how can we describe the perversity of corruption in a Commission created for the sole purpose of fighting public corruption . Certainly it is a “triple crime”. It is the underlying, crime, the betrayal of the public trust, and ultimately the mechanism by which public corruption will be perpetuated and proliferated. Add to that the hypocrisy, the cynicism, and contempt for the rights and grievances of the New York citizenry, and it can be said that those Commissioners involved in this cover up are despicable criminals as any. If this group of felons represents, in Governor Cuomos' words, “
the best and brightest law enforcements officials you have ever seen assembled, period, in the state of New York”, we are in deep trouble. 

Colman Genn and the Corruption of the NYC Department of Education

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re-posted from NYC Rubber Room Reporter
Colman Genn, The Gill Commission, And School Corruption In NYC - Let's Never Forget
Many people remember Colman Genn, a man who courageously exposed the corruption of the NYC Board of Education.

Colman Genn
July 17, 2004
New York Times

LINK

Colman Genn Is Dead at 68; Exposed School Corruption


By ANEMONA HARTOCOLLIS

Colman Genn, a career educator who exposed corruption in New York City schools by secretly recording conversations about political and ethnic considerations in filling jobs, died on Thursday night at NorthShoreUniversityHospital in Manhasset. He was 68.

The cause was respiratory failure, said his son, David.



Mr. Genn was the superintendent of Community School Board 27 in southeastern Queens when, in the fall of 1989, he became the star witness in hearings to investigate allegations that elected school board members had awarded dozens of unnecessary jobs to friends and political supporters at a cost of more than $1 million a year.

Mr. Genn became celebrated as the Serpico of the public school system after volunteering to wear a recording device and tape hours of conversations over a period of eight months in his office, at board meetings, in cars and restaurants and on the phone for the Joint Commission on Integrity in thePublic Schools, informally known as the Gill Commission, appointed by Mayor Edward I. Koch in 1988.

''I'm a political leader; that's why I'm here,'' James C. Sullivan, a member of the community school board and former Republican district leader, was heard telling Mr. Genn on one such recording. At another point, discussing jobs ranging from assistant principal to school aide, Mr. Sullivan complained that Mr. Genn's predecessor had ''hired out of the synagogue,'' to the detriment of Irish-Americans, and instructed that any black person hired had to be ''pliable,'' and not ''a Mau-Mau.''

The city's 32 community school boards grew out of a 1969 state law aimed at giving community leaders and parents, especially in minority neighborhoods, a voice in the running of public schools. The conversations recorded by Mr. Genn, who became the highest-ranking official willing to discuss corruption publicly, led gradually to state legislation recentralizing the school system over the last few years.

In January 1991, Mr. Genn, then 56, retired from his superintendent's job with two and a half years remaining in his contract. He said he was smoking a pack and a half of cigarettes a day, his asthma had worsened, his weight was fluctuating and he was under police guard for fear of retribution.

''I'm tense and worried that I've made a lot of enemies, that people whose toes have been stepped on will come at me in one way or another,'' he said at the time.

He said he found comfort in riding his motorcycle on the beach.

He found a sanctuary of sorts with a friend and former colleague, Seymour Fliegel, who had helped create small, experimental public schools in East Harlem and who invited him to become a senior fellow at a research institute supporting public education, now known as the Center for Educational Innovation-Public Education Association. The group was initially part of the Manhattan Institute, the conservative research center, but later split to become independent.

Mr. Genn was born on Dec. 11, 1935, in the Bronx. His father, Bernard, was a ritual slaughterer preparing kosher meat, a diamond cutter and later the director of a children's camp. His mother, Fannie, was a homemaker who never finished high school but was well-read in Talmud. Mr. Genn, one of five children, was educated at Yeshiva Etzchaim and YeshivaUniversityHigh School in Brooklyn, where he recalled spending a lot of time on the street looking for fights with a gang of youths in Bensonhurst, and being a ''very poor'' student.

He earned a bachelor's degree in health and physical education from BrooklynCollege, then a master's degree in the same fields from MichiganState. He got his first job, teaching math at Brownsville Junior High, in 1958, then went on to teach physical education and social studies in East Harlem. During the 1970's and 80's, working with the local superintendents, Anthony Alvorado and Carlos Medina, and the deputy superintendent, Mr. Fliegel, he helped start three alternative schools in East Harlem: the Academy of Environmental Sciences, the HarborSchool for the Performing Arts and the ManhattanCenter for Science and Math.

Mr. Genn became the superintendent of District 27 in July 1987, and realized from his first months on the job that something was amiss, as board members inquired about hiring and promoting friends and cronies.

Just two weeks before Mr. Genn died, he traveled to Israel to help create a school for immigrant children, Mr. Fliegel said.

In addition to his son, David, of Briarcliff Manor, N.Y., Mr. Genn is survived by his wife, Brenda, of Hewlett; a daughter, Shari Shapiro of Lawrence; three brothers, Reuven, of Israel; Mordechai, of Mount Vernon, N.Y.; and Manny, of Tenafly, N.J.; and four grandchildren.


SCHOOLS AND POLITICS: CHANNELS OF POWER - A SPECIAL REPORT: New York Schools and Patronage: Experience Teaches Hard Lessons
By JOSEPH BERGER with ELIZABETH KOLBERT, Special to The New York Times
Published: December 11, 1989

LINK

Guy Velella


Two decades after the New York City school system was decentralized to encourage local participation, many school boards are allied with neighborhood political clubs and exploited by politicians seeking power and patronage.

Many teachers and administrators say their colleagues, eager to get ahead, are compelled to join the clubs and give their time and money to election campaigns because politicians' allies on the school boards have the power to grant promotions.

And despite recent efforts in Albany to build barriers between education and politics, a seat on a local school board is often seen as a stepping stone for budding politicians.

In dozens of interviews, politicians, school board members and educators agreed that they are creatures, and sometimes victims, of the elective system created by decentralization.
The lessons that New York is learning about this perilous mixture of education and politics are of national significance because cities like Chicago and Miami have begun experimenting with various forms of decentralized schooling.

Decentralization gave control over the hiring of administrators in the city's elementary and junior high schools to 32 local school boards. It was prompted by concerns in the 1960's that the central adminstrative staff was not responsive enough to teachers, students and parents. Self-Interest and Reluctance
There is wide agreement that the local boards have failed the city's 940,000 schoolchildren. More than a third of these bodies have been shaken by allegations of corruption and mismanagement. Seven board members have been indicted in roughly a year. But the boards have become so enmeshed in the city's political web that many educators say they are skeptical that the 83 state legislators who represent parts of New York City can make dispassionate decisions about reform.
''Political self-interest,'' said Robert F. Wagner Jr., president of the Board of Education, has made many legislators ''reluctant to deal with the issue.''
The injection of politics into running the schools, he added, ''shifts the focus away from kids to the political agenda of individual politicians and there are times that decisions, rather than being made on merit, are made on political connections.'' Other critics note that teachers who refuse to get involved in politics are passed over for promotions and can grow demoralized.
Dr. Fred Goldberg, superintendent of District 10 in the northwest Bronx, said that among teachers and administrators, ''there was a perception that it was an asset to be a member of a political group to enhance the probability of being considered'' for promotion.
Political affiliation has become so important in advancing an educational career that in certain parts of the city, teachers and school administrators are as common as lawyers at meetings of local political clubs. Teachers and administrators are considered intelligent campaigners who have afternoons and summers off to do political work.
Voters decide who the nine members of a school board will be; political clubs may field or back candidates. But because turnout is low, the number of votes needed to win is sometimes no more than several hundred. So the influence of political clubs on the contests can be significant. Buying 'Insurance'
During the mid-1980's, the board of District 10 was divided between factions connected to Stanley Simon, then the Bronx borough president, and G. Oliver Koppell, a Democrat State Assemblyman from the Bronx.
At least eight people appointed assistant principals in District 10 were affiliated with one of two political clubs. A community newspaper, The Riverdale Press, found that 25 of the 48 principals and assistant principals who were appointed between 1982 and 1986 were affiliated with political clubs or were relatives of politicians.
In almost every case, the administrators were regarded as highly qualified. But, district officials say, the administrators believed they needed to ''buy insurance'' for their promotions through political club support.
In an interview, Mr. Koppell said he had been compelled, as a matter of political survival, to ''support a few people for assistant principals and principals.''
''The whole school establishment was being used to try and defeat me,'' he said. ''There were people on the streets campaigning against me. They carried petitions. They were standing on street corners handing out fliers at polls urging people to vote on primary days. Many of these were teachers and assistant principals.'' How It Works 'How You Build Loyal Troops'
The widespread impact of politics on the school system has been documented by a survey of school personnel conducted by the Gill Commission, headed by James F. Gill, a lawyer. The commission was appointed by Mayor Edward I. Koch to investigate school board corruption. In what commission officials believe are understated results, 41 percent of the 1,099 respondents said that political affiliation is a factor in the hiring of principals.
A major focus of the commission was District 27 in southwest Queens. At the commission's request, Coleman Genn, the district's superintendent, wore a concealed tape recorder and recorded the school board's treasurer, James C. Sullivan, asking him to hire 11 friends and political supporters to unnecessary jobs as paraprofessionals. This was at a time Mr. Genn was seeking a one-year extension of his contract from the board.
In a recent interview, Mr. Genn asserted that one principal and three assistant principals in his district were active in a local Republican club and had been promoted to their positions through Mr. Sullivan's influence.
''He built an entourage,'' Mr. Genn said of Mr. Sullivan. ''That's how you build loyal troops.'' When Mr. Sullivan ran an election or a fund-raiser for a candidate, Mr. Genn said, ''these people responded. If he had to get signatures on petitions or campaign literature, they responded.''
Mr. Sullivan and Samuel Granirer, the board's vice president, were indicted on Dec. 1 and accused of improperly using their influence to force Mr. Genn to hire their choices. Mr. Sullivan pleaded guilty to mail fraud and coercion. Mr. Granirer pleaded not guilty. 'On My Own Time'
In District 4 in East Harlem, according to a confidential 1988 report by the Board of Education's Inspector General, most of the district's 20 principals and several top-level district officials attended a fund-raising party in 1985 for Robert Rodriguez, then the school board president, who was trying to regain the seat he once held as City Councilman. The report also said Carlos Medina, the district superintendent, had been seen at the Board of Elections helping Mr. Rodriguez fend off challenges to his City Council petitions. The report said that created a conflict of interest because Mr. Rodriguez would be voting on Mr. Medina's contract.
In an interview, Mr. Medina said he admired Mr. Rodriguez for his support of district programs, which have been widely praised for their innovation and, in some schools, notable success. He acknowledged having appeared at the Board of Elections, but said he did so ''on my own time'' because ''as superintendent it was important for me to know who was winning and who would be the people in my district.''
Mr. Medina was discharged as superintendent on Nov. 8 by the District 4 school board after an arbitrator found that he had created an improper ''special projects fund'' from district money, and used it in part to lend $6,788 to subordinates and to contribute small amounts of money to political fund-raisers.
Mr. Rodriguez, 38 years old, argued that principals should be involved in a variety of community activities, including council races.
In District 9, a veteran social studies teacher said that when he applied for a much-coveted summer-school job in 1988, a district official asked him to spend several days helping collect petitions for candidates in local races. The teacher, who agreed to perform those chores, asked not to be identified because he is now seeking a job as an assistant principal.
In District 19 in the East New York and Bushwick sections of Brooklyn, political factionalism stalled the selection of a superintendent and seven principals and assistant principals for several months and delayed the approval of the budget. When Politics Divides A District In Trouble District 10 is the largest in New York City, roughly equivalent to Buffalo in student population. Taking in both the elegant homes of Riverdale and the burned-out tenements south of Fordham Road, it has 36,050 children in 35 schools.
From 1980 to 1986, two successive boards were divided into factions -one connected to the Riverdale Democratic Club, led by Mr. Simon, the Borough President, and the other to the Benjamin Franklin Democratic Club, whose founder was Mr. Koppell.
The Simon loyalists, board members said, were: Jeffrey Litt, who was director of community boards in the Borough President's office; Arnold Kideckel, then executive director of the State Insurance Fund and a close Simon adviser, and Robert Shaw, then a counsel to the city's Transportation Commissioner.

There were four Koppell loyalists at various times. They included James P. Sullivan and Evelyn Karfiol. Mr. Sullivan, who is no relation to James C. Sullivan in District 27, was the brother of Timothy Sullivan, Mr. Koppell's administrative assistant. Mrs. Karfiol is an aide to Mr. Koppell. Target of 'a Cabal'
The political division was reflected in the choice of school administrators, district officials said. Mr. Kideckel said that he never favored an administrator because ''they came out of Simon's club per se, but if they came out of Simon's club and I may have known them and known their character, that may have been a factor.''
Under the decentralization law, school board members must appoint principals and assistant principals from among candidates recommended by the superintendent. Dr. Goldberg, the superintendent, said that in the early 1980's he was generally able, because of the split in the board and his popularity with independents, to gain support for almost all of his choices. But in 1982, when he refused to recommend as an assistant principal Alexander Castillo, a teacher in District 9 backed by Mr. Litt and Mr. Simon, he suddenly found himself the target of what he called ''a cabal.''
Dr. Goldberg said the Simon faction responded by joining the Koppell faction in closed session and voting to strip him of his powers to hire or transfer personnel, modify the budget or even talk to the press.

''The district could not function,'' said Sandra Lerner, Dr. Goldberg's deputy. Appealing to Parents
A 1987 report by a Bronx grand jury that inquired into school board politics said the District 10 factions agreed to allow each member to choose one assistant principal.
But Mr. Litt said the factions united because they believed the superintendent was not giving members enough information to make decisions. He has never once, he added, ''been pressured by a political club or its leadership to make an appointment.'' Mrs. Karfiol and Mr. Kideckel were not members of the board at the time.
In response to the district paralysis, Dr. Goldberg, widely considered one of the system's best superintendents, said he was forced ''to consider a strategy that would enable me to run the district for the benefit of the children.'' He continued to recommend people he thought were best qualified to be administrators. He also included candidates whom board members might favor, but he worked to rally parents in support of his choices, and the board members heard from those parents.
''I became more sensitive to the dynamics of the board,'' he said. Winning Almost All of Them
In almost every case, Mr. Goldberg said, the people he preferred were selected. Still, he added, many teachers and administrators interested in promotions continue to believe membership in a political club could bolster their efforts.
Among those who received appointments as assistant principals in District 10 were four officers or members of the Benjamin Franklin club: Michael Spivak, Emanuele Fontana, Alex Fermanis and Nadia Pagan.
Among those who worked in Mr. Simon's campaign in 1985 or were active in the Riverdale Democratic Club were Barbara Lofthouse, Robert Levy and Candido deJesus, who were named assistant principals; and David Parker, named a principal.
In interviews, Mr. Fermanis, Mrs. Lofthouse and Mrs. Pagan said they joined their clubs not to advance their careers, but because of their interest in community activities. Several agreed, though, that many of their colleagues believed political affiliation was needed for advancement. Coming to People's Attention
''You had to be more politically involved with certain individuals,'' said Mr. deJesus, now the principal of P.S. 85. ''You wanted to come to people's attention. But I didn't like the climate and decided to get out.''
By the time of the next school board election in 1986, Mr. Simon came under investigation by the United States Attorney's office and, district officials say, he refrained from actively supporting school board candidates. In 1988, he was found guilty of racketeering and conspiracy in the Wedtech scandal and sentenced to five years in prison. The Riverdale club dissolved. Mr. Koppel said that with Mr. Simon's removal he, too, pulled out of school politics.
The Benjamin Franklin Club, which took over the Riverdale club's headquarters at 231st Street near Broadway, decided four years ago not to endorse candidates, but two club members are school board members. They are Richard Sanz Gonzalez and Sandra Ramos-Alamo, who made an unsuccessful bid for the State Assembly last year.
In many cases, the connections between school boards and New York City politicians are direct. Several school board members, for example, work in the offices of city and state legislators. In other cases, the ties are more subtle. Some board members often serve as unofficial proxies for political leaders on school boards, casting the votes that allow supporters to be hired. Conflicts of Interest
Politicians defend these connections as inevitable, even desirable. It makes sense, they say, that people who are politically minded participate both in school board business and in local government.
In most cases the connections are within the law, but in many cases, they create the potential for significant conflicts of interest.
A law passed last year in Albany has eliminated some of the most obvious conflicts. The law makes it illegal for school board members to serve as political district leaders or to hold other elective office.
But the spirit of the law has proved easy to evade. Brothers and Husbands in Posts
In District 27 in Queens, the district investigated by the Gill Commission, Mr. Sullivan relinquished his Republican district leadership but arranged to have his brother succeed him. And in District 32 in Brooklyn, a Democratic district leader, Elba Roman, gave up her seat on the board but was succeeded by her husband.
The law does not prohibit spouses of political officeholders from serving on school boards. In the spring, Elizabeth Miller, the wife of the Assembly Speaker, Mel Miller, was elected to the board of District 22 in the Flatbush and Flatlands sections of Brooklyn. Campaign finance records show that Mr. Miller's Assembly campaign committee contributed $2,000 to his wife's campaign, and members of Mr. Miller's Assembly staff took off time from work to campaign for her.
Both actions were legal. Mr. Miller, Democrat of Brooklyn, said his wife had no political motive for running, and that he would have no influence over her decisions.
''My wife, this is her life,'' he said. ''She was a teacher in a district. Our two children went through public schools. It doesn't help me; she'll do what she wants.'''I Financed Her Campaign'
The law does not prevent politicians' staff members from serving on local school boards, and several do. They include Ernestine Washington, a member of school board 29, who is office director for Assemblywoman Cynthia Jenkins, a Queens Democrat; Maria Irizarry, a member of school board 19, who until recently served as a city liaison to Assemblyman Thomas F. Catapano, Democrat of Brooklyn, and Elinore Mandell, also a member of board 19, who is an administrative assistant to Assemblyman Anthony Genovesi, Democrat of Brooklyn.
Mr. Genovesi said he ''unabashedly'' supported Ms. Mandell's school board candidacy to prevent other politicians like Con gressman Towns from wielding control over the schools within Mr. Genovesi's partly overlapping assembly district.
''She wanted to quit this year,'' said Mr. Genovesi of Ms. Mandell. ''I financed her campaign. It's the only way I know what's going on. It's not a coincidence that she's there. That's why she runs. Ellie is the way I take them on,'' he said, referring to rival politicians. Political Careers School Boards As Stepping Stones By virtue of being elected, school board members are political officials, and it is not surprising that they frequently run for higher office.
Politicians who began their careers as school board members include Assemblyman Al Vann, State Senator Howard E. Babbush, State Senator Velmanette Montgomery and Assemblyman William F. Boyland. All four are Brooklyn Democrats. Assemblywoman Aurelia Greene, Democrat of the Bronx, is a former member of school board 9, and was indicted earlier this year on felony charges springing from her involvement in the board.
City Council members Sal F. Albanese, Priscilla Wooten and Ruth W. Messinger are also former board members.
At least five former assemblymen and councilmen were once school board members. Three of these, Sam Wright, Israel Ruiz Jr. and Vander Beatty, were later convicted on charges of corruption -Mr. Wright for soliciting a $5,000 payment from a educational materials company, Mr. Ruiz for falsifying a bank loan application and Mr. Beatty for tax evasion.
Politicians who have served on school boards say that, far from being a disservice to the district, the desire for higher office insures that school board members will respond to their constituents' concerns.
''If anything, I see it as a positive sign,'' said State Senator Guy J. Velella, Republican of the Bronx, who was president of School Board 11 in between serving in the State Assembly and the State Senate.
''You don't want to destroy somebody's ambition,'' Mr. Velella added. ''If you do a good job, you'll be qualified for higher office.''

Changes To FRCP 45 and 37

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United States: Analysis Of Amendments To Federal Rules Of Civil Procedure 45 And 37

Last Updated: December 11 2013
Article by Benjamin B. Folsom and Jeffrey A. Soble
 
 
 
 
The Supreme Court of the United States has made significant amendments to Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 45, which became effective on December 1, 2013. Rule 45 governs the form, issuance, service, enforcement of, compliance with, and protection from, subpoenas in federal court. Due to the amendments to Rule 45, the Supreme Court has also made less extensive amendments to Rule 37, which addresses parties' failure to cooperate in discovery and sanctions for such failures.
There are significant changes to Rule 45, a number of which are designed to streamline the process of issuing and serving subpoenas. However, the amendments also, among other changes, modify the procedures for bringing motions related to subpoenas and resolve conflicting case law with respect to the subpoena power of the federal courts over parties and their officers for testimony at trial.
Foley prepared a chart, available below, to assist those who find themselves involved with the subpoena process in civil cases in federal court — whether as a party or a subpoenaed person or entity — to navigate the changes by not only identifying the most significant provisions and changes, but also explaining the practical and strategic implications of these changes.
Materials
Sunday, December 1, 2013

Welcome to your new FRCPs 37 & 45

The recent amendments to Federal Rules of Civil Procedure 37 and 45—which the Supreme Court approved last Spring—came into effect today.
 

Without A Prayer For Relief: Madison Avenue Presbyterian Church and Religious Immunity From Prosecution

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Absolutely Uncommon Analysis of Family –and "Conciliation"— Courts' Operations, Practices, and History

Without a Prayer For Relief: Investigative Reporter Betsy Combier (ParentAdvocates.org) connects the Dots at Madison Avenue Presby

Dr. Fred Anderson, Pastor of MAPC

This gripping narrative of events in New York which began ca. 1998 is a little more complex to read than Marv Bryer’s 1997 interview “Exposing and Prosecuting Judicial Corruption through Common Law Discovery” of events occurring in Southern California which I just posted, “sticky” status (=stays near the top of the blog’s home page.). Bryer’s critical description (1997 interview) of his investigation involved getting copies of bank records (fronts and back of checks) and looking up corporate records.

However both of them entail collusion of judges and lawyers, potential money laundering (including how it’s done — through nonprofits that sound like, but are not, government agencies in his case, and through cooperation of a major NY landmark church with a major NY and DC realty investment corporation — plus of course judges and attorneys — in hers). Both of them seem to be aiming for others property, whether real estate, or simply money, and pulling a fast one on the public in general.

This author did similar things. Both did it for apparently similar reasons — after some very disturbing damages and utterly strange, abusive, behavior by institutions we typically should expect to be more honest — they didn’t just complain, or tell their story — they examined the evidence — and then told their story, with the evidence. In this case, the writer had to also overcome a retroactive, lack of jurisdiction, not a party Injunction to not tell her story in 2005.


Short background on who’s telling the tale: As I cannot personally verify this much information, here’s the author’s bio-blurb on “OpEdNews”

http://www.opednews.com/author/author13587.html. The “E-Accountability Foundation, INC. (mentioned up top) shows a NYC address, date of incorporation 2012? EIN# 16-1642397. I am finding pieces of the various lawsuits on-line, as you also could. Here’s a 1996 letter of her under EcoMedia International, Inc., sticking up for a particular (fired) janitor and testifying to verbal harassment and intimidation by a maintenance supervisor at the church who (unlike the janitors) were not union members. EcoMedia International, Ltd. was dissolved in 1990 (per NYState). E-Accountability.com, Inc. was formed 2002, dissolved 2005 (while she was going through these trials, apparently)….
A NYT 1984 Wedding Announcement shows the family background/influence: Her father P. Hodges Combier was Assistant Attorney general of NYS, her grandfather, Samuel Strauss, bought, consolidated, and sold Des Moines newspapers, and from 1910-1916 was Treasure of the New York Times, which should give a general idea.
She also shows on the (Advisory) Board of a National Judicial Conduct and Disability Project, Inc. (Indiana/Incorp. in 2005). This addresses the problem with prosecuting federal judges under a Title 28 law that allows one to, namely, judicial collusion! (hover cursor or click through). I.e., basically judges have immunity from prosecution for what they do ON the bench (the Luzerne County Kids for Cash judges got convicted, I believe, for what they did OFF it, in re: RICO (or whatever it was). I remember learning with dismay at the time about this immunity from prosecution. However, apparently a section of Federal Law was passed to help in certain cases. But the question still comes up — who would convict? Are judges generally going to want to expose their colleagues — and maybe later, possibly themselves — to accountability for abuse of power by the judiciary? (!!!). They write about the control via threatening or disbarring attorneys and judges willing to actually address judicial corruption, under “Coups D’Etat.” … and on a 2009 Supreme Court Decision, “The Official End of Judicial Accountability….Ashcroft v. Iqbal” The founder (or, a founder) of this nonprofit NJCDP, was disbarred in Indiana, it says, for making “false allegations” against a judge, and in federal district? for failing to pay a $6,000 costs of disciplinary hearing. Interesting, though not strictly on-topic…..

So, this narrative involves not only a major NYC landmark Church, but members of the NYS Unified Court System, including its current chief (Jonathan Lippman), its former Chief (Judith Kaye) and many issues. The events here started ca. 1998…

 

MADISON AVENUE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, NYS Unified Court System…

Betsy Combier and her family were long-time members of Madison Avenue Presbyterian Church (“MAPC”): 921 Madison Avenue, NYC. She has a twin sister, and a mother who volunteered (had her office) full-time for this church. In the course of attempting to get her own inheritance, she discovered:

~ Probably embezzlement on its maintenance — i.e. invoice for plumbing repair $90K; Church paid $169k, so where is the missing about $80K? How often does this happen?
~ In looking up that, that New York actually owns the church; it is government property?
~ That MAPC (the church) doesn’t have a separate EIN# for the IRS, but uses the one of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church
~ That somehow MAPC Connections to a REIT, and commercial real estate owner “Vornado Realty Trust” (This 2009 article on the aggressive REIT (“the Vornado Tornado,” Steve Roth says it all. Namely they buy up distressed assets, almost — among largest landlords in NYC and D.C., ruthless, etc.)? to finance a co-op based on church property? Browse articles for a scope of influence (i.e., buying up Kennedy real estate, acquiring a West-Side YMCA, etc.). Selling a West Village loft @ 4 times purchase price(which was ca. $1 million)2010; Battle of the Skyscrapers: planning a skyscraper to challenge the Empire State Building (15 Penn Plaza), etc.

~ A determination by those associated with the church to get Ms. Combier’s property, incl.? an Upper East Side Manhattan Apartment — apparently a RICO situation (also hover cursor there):

All in all it raises and addresses so many issues, I felt it relevant to put on this blog.



EXCERPT from PARENTADVOCATES.ORG and related pages on this matter:

The City of New York seems to be the “owner” of Madison Avenue Presbyterian Church. Most of the congregation of “MAPC” does not know what is going on.

District Attorney Robert Morganthau, a friend of my dad, so far has expressed no interest in this RICO claim. I called Mr. Daniel Castleman, (212-335-9817) Chief of the Investigation Division, in October, and he set up a meeting with his “best” investigator, Ms. Judy Weinstock, soon after. In January, 2006, Ms. Weinstock sent me back every one of my documents, saying, “We are not looking into this because you did not give us a receipt for the two toilets’ that were repaired in May, 2004 for $169,224.”

[[Material on who is the Presbytery of New York, originally published on this post, removed; it's background info I like to know FYI (and for future reference), not the actual narrative. That's also one reason my posts get so long, and illegible!]]

I sent Mr. Castleman a letter in January, and he never responded. Attorney General Eliot Spitzer’s Charities Bureau told me they never investigate churches, because churches are not charities. Spitzer’s criminal division’s Mr. Bill Jorgenson told me in November, 2006, that the information I had showed “a clear-cut case of embezzlement”, but only someone at the legislature level could submit it to the Attorney General for consideration, “sorry”. He advised me not to call the Attorney General’s office about this matter ever again.

CHURCHES ARE NOT CHARITIES: It’s True, and It’s Significant! See NYState Charities Search which says this twice:


{{search for “Presbyterian Senior Services” {{found, registered with the state as a CORP in 1962, but as a CHARITY (dual-purpose) in 1986) and “Presbytery of New York City” (NOT found) here…. Yet the by-laws of the Presbytery of New York City clearly state that the latter is a “corporation” and we can see that it was “incorporated” in 1899…)



Welcome to the Charities Bureau Registry Search. To search for specific charitable organizations, use the search fields below. Please note, in order to use the Registry Search, one of the following search terms must be entered – Name, Charities Bureau ID #, or federal employer identification number (EIN). Some organizations, like religious organizations, are exempt from registering with the Charities Bureau and may not appear in the Registry.

POSTING HERE DOES NOT MEAN THE ORGANIZATION IS AN APPROVED TAX-EXEMPT ORGANIZATION UNDER THE INTERNAL REVENUE CODE. THE IRS DETERMINES TAX-EXEMPT STATUS.

CONTRIBUTIONS ARE NOT TAX DEDUCTIBLE UNLESS THE IRS DETERMINES THE ORGANIZATION IS TAX-EXEMPT. TO VIEW A LIST OF TAX-EXEMPT ORGANIZATIONS, VISIThttp://www.irs.gov/app/pub-78/ . SOME ORGANIZATIONS, LIKE RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS, MAY NOT APPEAR ON THE IRS LIST BECAUSE THEY ARE NOT REQUIRED TO FILE WITH IRS IN ORDER TO BE TAX-EXEMPT.



Essentially, these business entities (it takes money to be a church — real estate, wages, housing, collections, financial staff, secretarial staff sometimes; settlements for lawsuits against sexual abuse (or embezzlement) by leadership….they also charge rent for nonreligious use of their facilities; a lot of assets and income changes hands in the operations, MOREOVER, federal and other level public monies (grants, contracts) goes to many religious groups, directly! (see HHS) — millions, that is…. So where does anyone keep a list of who they are, and where they are run from? ???

Ms. Combier, Cont’d.:

I tried to find out. I called the accountant who did the budget,** Sandy Davies of O’Connor Davies, and was told that Mr. Davies never saw any receipts for any job. Then I called the Presbytery of New York City, and spoke with the financial officer, Simon Lai, who is supposed to look at money donated to and spent by presbyterian churches in New York City. He told me that he has never seen any financial information from MAPC in the 7 years he has worked at the Presbytery. As MAPC uses the tax exempt IRS number for the Presbyterian Church, USA General Assembly, I called over there to find out if any records of MAPC were available. There are none. Thus, MAPC is an entity doing business in New York City without any oversight by anyone.

 

A very large budget — see church site, and there’s a link to the 2003-2004 one in the story.


This church, like most large churches, has many outreach programs (See map of LOCAL (I count 20)). How many of those are nonprofits, and given that the MAPC doesn’t show its receipts, apparently even to its own — who’s checking how much actually made it to those nonprofits, and whether they are legitimate?
I checked out one: “New Life of New York City.” Yes, it did register as a corp. in NYS (1973, and a few name changes), and as a Nonprofit in NYS (EIN# 237344354, annual returns back to 1988). I looked up the street address (website on file with the charities page NYS no good) and found “Young Life” which dates back to 1938, says it went international by 1953, and by 1972 had remembered there are urban populations, too….
Story of its Gangleader turned Youthworker (through “Young Life”), Robert “Bo” Nixon. [A trip to a Colorado camp was involved...]

Here’s its amazing 67-page 990 (as a “Church” organization with the purpose — and this is about all it says up front for this Colorado Springs nonprofit…
Director Dennis Rydberg (out of dozens) and his $370K (+$45K from related) salary, plus the group’s $257 million of revenues ($18 million from fundraising, say $19 million from “related organizations” (churches?), oh, say $46.8 million from camp fees, etc.) … a $13 million increase (in one year) in cash and savings; they have invested in ca. $3 million in public-traded securities, and $8 million in “other” (must be private then, right?) securities… about $28.9 million was contributed (and spent from) endowments….Their assets, buildings, $208 million (depreciation,c a. $68 million)

“Young Life is a Ministry to help Adolescents become Exposed to the Person of Jesus Christ. This is accomplished in a variety of ways designed to produce personal religious experiences…”
” [[Dennis Rydberg pulls in over $415K; about 5 other men (only) are pulling in over $150K each. travel for spouses is expected for certain purposes (like fund-raising), housing for ordained ministry, of course.
They are granting (by wire transfer) all over the world but seem particularly interested in Central America these days. The lowest paid (of their "highest-paid" employees (and what looks like the only female) was an assistant secretrary, at 449K plus $22"other." for a 40-hour week. Everyone else listed for a 40-hr week was being paid at least twice (more like, three times) that amount. Of course, they weren't secretaries. I wonder what their youth ministers got.... Several construction firms and one travel agency were compensated over $11 million...They also (?) own 100% a for-profit in Colorado Springs and a Yacht Charter Company in British Columbia. Perhaps to better help personally expose youth to a personal religious experience of the person of Jesus Christ, I DNK (but most likely, for profit).

From MAPC,
There is also global outreach, esp. in Africa, and lots of it. Here's an "Africa blog" (on the church site), 2012,from a young man of a missionary couple narrating his confused and "icky" feelings about being asked for a loan by a single father. I feel sad that neither I, and I wonder if they, knew how much of Africa's misery is due to its mineral wealth, and what the British (like Cecil Rhodes and friends), the Germans (good God!!!) and the Dutch (not to mention some other countries) did in the scramble for its wealth, from the late 1800s to this day. They were in Zamibia; for more information, see "Rhodesia." (WIKIPEDIA -- Frederik Chiluba was a fervent Pentecostal Christian, 5′ tall, finally cleared of corruption charges in 2009, and married three times (two children by #1, two by #2, and finally married #3). He died in 2011.

More on Zambia — a product of British Expansionism, formerly part of Rhodesia. Admittedly this is from a socialist website: The espressostalinist. However I don’t think the facts are really in dispute:

When Rhodes began his studies at Oriel College, he returned to South Africa each vacation to attend to his mining interests – which, by his mid-thirties, had made him, in today’s terms, a billionaire. By 1891, he had amalgamated the De Beers mines under his control, giving him dominion over 90 per cent of the world’s diamond output. He had also secured two other important positions; Prime Minister of the British Cape Colony, and president of the British South Africa Company {“BSA”], an organisation that was formed – in the manner of the old East India companies – to pursue expansionist adventures for which sponsoring governments did not have the stomach or the cash. The result of his endeavours produced new British annexations: Nyasaland (now Malawi), Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia) and Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe).

And yet, the missionaries go to Zambia for the Presbyterian cause, while back at home, their church attempts to convert property of its own.. Do the missionaries really know what caused the poverty?

When it comes to human rights, social services, charity, and any churches….
The reputation for being a social benefactor should be weighed against fiscal accountability to their own people (i.e., no embezzling!), and the same people ought to hold them accountable by examining their books – -not just their declarations — in detail. moreover, what does this say about the religious exemptions AND no requirement to file the 990s that the public — which ends up affected – can examine, too?

 

Why Post This Information?

I am reminding us of the financial power and clout of the cloak of religious tax-exemption, plus trusting membership, and how this cloak can and does attract powerful members of the courts system (attorneys and judges), real estate investment trusts (als major landowners, and landlords) and the depth of strategizing they will and do go to in order to plunder the estates of their own, including launching bogus court cases, switching jurisdiction where there was no subject matter jurisdiction, and collaborating to target the (apparently) innocent who may take years (ten years or more) defending themselves.

It also is a message to all of us to start understanding these things better if we want any form of an honest government, and to compare the many philanthropic activities (easier to do if one is tax-exempt, cheating, and not going to be scrutinized much by local authorities, i.e., as a charity in similar activities might be) to what could plain and simple be called, just “wicked.”

I think it’s obvious to my readers that I have some serious concerns about churches (specifically– I’m talking, the Christian religion here, not Islam, not Judaism) as tax-exempt organizations, about faith-based grants, and about Outreach Efforts to engage faith-based groups to help stop their men from abusing their women. Let’s Get Real about that reality. See pre-election (i.e., see late Oct. 2012) articles filling us in on some of the Mormon stipulations about marriage and/or divorce, that is before and after death, and how people who have died may consent to some form of (separation? I DNR), however people alive and well (including Presidential Candidate Mitt Romney, before his candidacy or even governorship days) was treating a mother who had an abortion to save her life, pretty rough, including trying to talk her out of this.

Then there’s the matter of then-President George W. Bush, as a FIRST executive order of his Presidency (and pre 9/11) establishing a White House Office of Faith-Based STUFF, which has been copied at State level in several states (like Ohio) and which said Governor’s Offices sometimes get HHS funding for this purpose. After which, they get audited for misappropriation of grants. It never seems to slow the participants down much, they are well networked.

Then there is this “thang” that the Unification Church has a nice influence on the Marriage Promotion field which is so close to the heart of why we have things like “National Parents’ Day” and the entire movement (Children’s Rights Council-related, plus more) that ties the Moons (True Parents) and this international, money-laundering (or so alleged) religious — cult — involved in coronation ceremonies (mock, of course) in a U.S. building, i.e., the Dirksen Building, with the crown carried forwards by Illinois legislator, Congressman Danny K. Davis, who also sponsored (yet another) Responsible Fatherhood bill. In the 113th Congress, he sits on the subcommittee (of House Ways and Means) whose jurisdiction closely meshes with the topic of this blog:

That’s one thing. But this situation here — Madison Avenue Presbyterian Church (“MAPC”) New York City, brings up the entire question of money-laundering and real estate issues under the cover of religion. I guess someone had to give the Vatican a run for its money?? (not really, but still…..). Of course with its huge budget it is very active in human rights causes, including shelters, etc. — in between trying to steal the inheritance of one of its faithful members and running, apparently, a number of scams, plus treating its janitors abusively, and trying to force Betsy here into counseling or therapy with one of their own when she sued.

I FOUND THIS STORY FOLLOWING UP ON PRIVATE NONPROFITS NATIONALIZING AND CENTRALIZING THE COURTS (NCSC, SJI) AND AFTER REALIZING A CERTAIN JUDGE (FEATURED IN THIS ACCOUNT)HAS JUST BEEN CONFIRMED BY THE SENATE ON ONE OF THOSE NONPROFITS. I’d been aware of ParentAdvocates.org (from parenting perspective), but never read this before. Jonathan Lippman, Judith Kaye, Cardozo, Proskauer Rose (powerful global law firm) and others are featured in this story. MAPC is a powerful institution around since 1901.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
How I came to this site — in reviewing my links and highlighting how private nonprofits are Nationalizing and Centralizing the courts (policy operations, and funding) — I already brought up how the NCSC (National Center for State Courts) became “secretariat” for Association of Family and Conciliation Courts in the early 1980s. Said AFCC is a private organization who are not “the good guys” and whose agenda doesn’t seem very philanthropic (or justice-oriented) when its behavior and its books are scrutinized. Of course, I’ll just hazard a “guess” here based on the accounts of people who have viewed the evidence, and its state-skipping and truly odd incorporation history, plus their habit of getting into top judicial positions and from there re-arranging the courts, lobbying to get accommodating laws, and fees for friends (in the fields that AFCC promotes through its ranks), and in general playing dirty with the public while converting their assets, disrupting their families, and destroying in many cases, their livelihoods, incarcerating some who confront them, labeling others, and at times trafficking kids into foster care for which there appears to be a bounty.

So, I was going to add the State Justice Institute, yet another nonprofit which was formed by LAW in: 1984, basically to steer, I mean, administer grants to improve justice. Its 11 person Board is appointed by the President (POTUS) and approved by the Senate:


About SJI

The State Justice Institute (SJI) was established by Federal law in 1984 to award grants to improve the quality of justice in State courts, facilitate better coordination between State and Federal courts, and foster innovative, efficient solutions to common issues faced by all courts.

SJI is unique both in its mission and how it seeks to fulfill it.  Only SJI has the authority to assist all State courts – criminal, civil, juvenile, family, and appellate – and the mandate to share the success of one State’s innovations with every State court system as well as the Federal courts.

{{Representative Government at its best — the US President appoints an 11-member board of a nonprofit (Senate must approve) and it administers grants to steer the courts — including on Criminal, Civil, Juvenile, Family and Appellate law…}}

SJI is a non-profit corporation governed by an 11-member Board of Directors appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate. By law, the President must appoint six State court judges, one State court administrator, and four members of the public (no more than two of whom may be of the same political party).

{{I wonder how a lowly member of the public gets appointed. However, no matter who does — if they are voting, the courts always have the majority (7 to 4).}}

SJI also has a professional staff who oversee operations, to include grant management and other government relations.  Per 42 U.S.C. 10704, the Executive Director is responsible for the executive and administrative operations of SJI, and serves at the pleasure of the Board of Directors.  The Executive Director is also a non-voting ex officio member of the Board.

One of the rather disturbing initiatives SJI is working on (with “NCSC”) is called “Court Re-engineering”:
<a href=”http://www.sji.gov/reengineering.php;&#8221; title=”The Strategic Initiatives Grants (SIG) program provides SJI the flexibility to address national court issues as they occur, and develop solutions to those problems. SJI uses its expertise and the expertise and knowledge of its grantees to address key issues facing courts across the United States. The state courts are also facing severe budget reductions as a direct result of the current economic situation in the United States. The budget crisis in the state courts is an emerging and national issue that is being addressed by the SIG program. The short-term cost reductions taken by the state courts (hiring freezes, furloughs, and layoffs) will have long-term effects, but are not enough to meet the current economic demands for reduction in costs. SJI awarded a Strategic Initiatives Grant (SIG) to the National Center for State Courts (NCSC) in FY 2009 to focus on reengineering in the state courts in response to severe budget cutbacks. NCSC began these efforts by establishing the Budget Resource Center (BRC) – a website to track the latest budget issues and cost saving measures in the state courts, listed by state. NCSC also provided direct technical assistance to several states. Through SJI SIG funding in FY 2010 and 2011, NCSC continues to provide technical assistance to courts at the state and local level. SJI has also partnered with the Department of Justice/Office of Justice Programs/Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) on reengineering projects in the state courts. BJA funding has lead to additional reengineering program sites. …In addition to support provided by the SIG program, SJI has also funded individual grants to state and local courts for reengineering in response to budget reductions. The final reports of those projects are available below, and new reports will continue to be provided on this website.
“>State Court Reengineering (hover cursor or click through to read).

But this is what grabbed my attention — as of January 1, 2013, this Strategic Justice Initiative has a new appointeed:

Justice Jonathan Lippman – who took over from NYS Chief Judge Judith Kaye back in 2009 — was appointed by President Obama last May and has been confirmed by the Senate as a board member of this SJI:

He is named in the material which is the topic of this post, mainly writings by Betsy Combier:

Senate Confirms New SJI Board Member (Click on tab “NEWS”)
 
On January 1, 2013, the U.S. Senate confirmed Chief Judge Jonathan Lippman to the SJI Board of Directors. Chief Judge Lippman was nominated by the President on May 24, 2012. He is currently Chief Judge of the State of New York and Chief Judge of the New York Court of Appeals, a position he has held since 2009.
Chief Judge Lippman has spent his entire legal career in the New York State court system, serving for 40 years in a variety of roles. He was Presiding Justice of the Appellate Division of the New York Supreme Court, First Department from 2007 to 2009; an Associate Justice of the Appellate Term for the Ninth and Tenth Judicial Districts from 2006 to 2007; a Justice of the Supreme Court, Ninth Judicial District from 2006 to 2009; and Chief Administrative Judge of all New York State Courts from 1996 to 2007. Chief Judge Lippman is a former member of the Board of Directors of the Conference of Chief Justices, former President of the Conference of State Court Administrators, and former Vice Chair of the Board of the National Center for State Courts (NCSC). He is the recipient of numerous awards and honors, including the William H. Rehnquist Award for Judicial Excellence, which the NCSC awarded to him in 2008.
{{The NCSC itself, I think, deals with these other organizations, i.e., Conference of Chief Justices, etc.)}}
He holds a B.A. from New York University in Government and International Relations and a J.D. from the New York University School of Law.
Contrast this with the information in box at bottom of this page; there appear to be problems with fraud and coverups for cronies, a figure mentioned was $40 million..
The SJI is extremely influential, it would seem, as it is providing grants to “re-engineer” the courts; I have seen studies written up by individuals in association with “the Family Violence Prevention Fund” aboutcreating domestic violence courts. (These materials then can be sold, helping he nonprofit — not necessarily the individuals subject to the demonstration project.).  PARTNER GRANTS are without limit...”  Then these authors can advance their careers without running the nationwide policies by the actual people going to be most affected by them, as Distinguished Professor Emily Sack apparently did here in re: creating the domestic violence courts — and recommending parenting skills training for incarcerated men, BIPs, etc.  (hover cursor).  A win-win for the partners, not necessarily for those run through the programs they create without our serious feedback, and then nationalize.
“PARTNER GRANTS
Partner Grants allow SJI and federal, state, or local agencies or foundations, trusts, or other private entities to combine financial resources in pursuit of common interests.”
. Judging by the continued roadkill, someone is doing a lousy job on this; but that doesn’t seem to have affected the FVPF’s funding, which is multi-million-dollar as always.

It seems to me I had heard this Judge’s name in going out of the way to protect child sexual abusers…

. . .Characterized as writing more dissents than most, and is liberal. Here’s a NYT 2011 article which mentions a 13-year old’s confession of sexual abuse:

Here, he joins others in dissenting from a civil confinement despite a contested mental illness diagnosis, in that a repeat sex offender (impregnating 16 yr old etc.) has a mental illness related to preoccupation with sex with, nonconsenting pubescent girls and involving their suffering. (Reuters, 2012 article)
http://newsandinsight.thomsonreuters.com/New_York/News/2012/10_-_October/State_can_hold_sex_offender_with_controversial_diagnosis__high_court/. While I can see the point, someone was trying to stop this guy from his repeat-raping habit. If Lippman has a problem with restraining people on contested diagnosis of a mental illness, which makes sense, then he should radically reverse the family court’s habit of doing this to parents (especially women) who protest abuse of their children, including rape and molestation, as “high-conflict.”

At the bottom of this post, I”m putting an article from “Expose Corrupt Courts” protesting this appointment to the SJI and citing some reasons why. It will be in a “table” to identify it as from one source.

[I have excerpted paragraphs that mention the RICO setup, and refer to New York State Chief Justice (now retired) Judith Kaye -- who I'm pretty sure must've been AFCC, and I've written about some of the people and programs she has brought in, as to their relationship specifically to Family Court matters. for example, pushing Mediation, Parent Education, appointee?? JoAnn Pedro Carroll, etc. I think this is on the bottom of a post re: Genia Shockhome, and Dutchess County (that's NY) Mediation. You can look it up.....
If you have a mind to read, this reads like a mystery. Apparently, the type of racketeering and embezzlement we see going on in various government places (or apparently going on, I should say) -- seems to pale when one considers the state of New York might own the real estate, literally OWN "Madison Avenue Presbyterian Church" (see photo), but this church doesn't have its own EIN#, rather using the General Assembly (US Presbyterian) #, and according to the General Presbyter -- they hadn't seen receipts on financials from MAPC in seven years (at the writing). Does this not sound like a play out of AFCC (or maybe I should say, they learned it from religious groups?)....
You'll see the size of the property and its endowments, weekly collections (ca. $25,000, etc.). Perhaps Rick Warren with all his trademarks, and Saddleback, with their donated property, are chump change by comparison with not only the money, but the clout of this one. I don't know.
I do know that this same mother of four also has a site "Parentadvocates.org" I've seen before. Her mother "volunteered" full-time for 40 years for this church. there is a real fight between twin sisters over the probate (inheritance) and it appears to be in the course of this that this sister Betsy Combier found out what she did. It should be mentioned that her father was a District Attorney (Robert Morgenthau)...

This is full of active LINKS at the site -- not in my copy here. See site for those links, as reading them helps you understand the situation better. I am not writing it because of the individual involved, but from a teaching perspective of the potential clout, and documented behavior, of how a major (here, Presbyterian) church can, with its respectable community members, and prime real estate (this one, it says was worth $21,000,000 with an endowment of up to $30million or so) -- and how with all that, they can still be laundering money through any number of means.
It also appears that there was (or was alleged to be) a matter of elder abuse, as in physical abuse, of the mother, which was the reason that one daughter was taken out of the will. It is definitely a matter that cuts close to many of us.
There are other articles on the site, interesting from the perspective of the tax-exempt, and scrutiny-proof status many religious organizations hold, particularly a six-part series in the NYTimes which approaches different issues, including religious earmarks, churches hiring lobbyists to get those earmarks, and another one called "Without a Prayer for Relief," which I'm gathering is a pun. The mother involved (whose will it was) apparently had an office in MAPC and was active there for around 40 years: Imagine all this time, no one ?? bringing up that this major building did not have its own EIN#.

There are megachurches -- that's one style. This is another style entirely; see the personnel.

Material is from the website Parentadvocates.org, the Article. I may add some subtitles.
TOP PART and TITLE:
The judges and their colleagues in the New York State Unified Court System are operating under the umbrella of "absolute immunity" in order to rob and harass you and convert your property to their ownership. Dont fool yourself into thinking that anyone in the State legislature doesn't know this is happening, and wants to do anything about it. You just have to outsmart them all by documenting everything, like I did. I may not win my lawsuit against them in Federal Court, but I now have the intervenors/conspirators online for the public to see how it all works. Please share this information. Betsy Combier.
(PHOTO) Julia Danger, Claude Danger, Betsy Combier
People are being victimized by the courts of America's "justice system" every day, often without knowing anything until it is too late. Perhaps this has happened to you, and you have been left without your property, family member and/or child. In 1998, the Manhattan Surrogate Court decided to deny me the property left to me by my mom in her Will dated November 21, 1997, and has pursued this goal with such venom I almost died on July 22, 2006 trying to stop the Judges, lawyers, and common folk - including my twin sister - who decided to steal the property and deny my rights to it.

The property in my mom's Will that she wanted me to have is sitting right now in a cold garage and house at 2110 Quaker Ridge Road, in Croton-on-Hudson, owned by a man named Lawrence Mark. Mark says that he was given the right to hold onto the property by me and my sister, yet I remember no such agreement. And I have a phenomenal memory. My lawyers must have made some deal in secret, to help stop me from probating my mom's Will, and this is the pattern that runs throughout the past twelve years. I, a reporter and video producer for more than 35 years, have dedicated myself to getting my mom's property back, and I'm writing this article to tell you what I have found out about the people who work in five courts in NYC, my twin sister, my church, the Presbytery of New York City, and wealthy insurance company Guide One Insurance Company, all of whom have joined together and denied me my Constitutional rights.
Judges threaten lawyers - the people who are being paid by you to defend you and protect your interests - and make the Attorneys facing the Court do what "they" - the judges and their political partners - want, and work with the "fixer" to steal property, take children, and plunder estates for personal gain. I know what 'they' do, because when my church - Madison Avenue Presbyterian, ("MAPC") in New York City - came after me in 1998 after my mom's death, I was an innocent victim, and I did not know that the Courts were dishonest. I relied on the Rule of Law and my Attorneys to do the right thing, which was always to probate my mom's Will. This was my mistake.
[{I have to ask her why they didn't put it under a trust...}}
The City of New York seems to be the "owner" of Madison Avenue Presbyterian Church. Most of the congregation of "MAPC" does not know what is going on.
District Attorney Robert Morganthau, a friend of my dad, so far has expressed no interest in this RICO claim. I called Mr. Daniel Castleman, (212-335-9817) Chief of the Investigation Division, in October, and he set up a meeting with his "best" investigator, Ms. Judy Weinstock, soon after. In January, 2006, Ms. Weinstock sent me back every one of my documents, saying, "We are not looking into this because you did not give us a receipt for the two toilets' that were repaired in May, 2004 for $169,224."
I sent Mr. Castleman a letter in January, and he never responded. Attorney General Eliot Spitzer's Charities Bureau told me they never investigate churches, because churches are not charities. Spitzer's criminal division's Mr. Bill Jorgenson told me in November, 2006, that the information I had showed "a clear-cut case of embezzlement", but only someone at the legislature level could submit it to the Attorney General for consideration, "sorry". He advised me not to call the Attorney General's office about this matter ever again.
Summary:
My mom, Julia Taschereau, died suddenly during the night of March 15-16, 1998. The doctor told us that she died of a pulmonary embolism. I, my husband and four children and my mom were very close, and lived near enough to each other to be able to spend time cooking, going to movies, and playing with the kids. My mom worked full-time as a volunteer for Madison Avenue Presbyterian Church ("MAPC") at 921 Madison Avenue 73rd street) in New York City. The church and the church building next door are located on prime real estate worth currently $21,000,000 (tax assessed value, NYC Dept. of Buildings, 2005). The church pays no taxes.
MAPC has an endowment valued at $20-30 million, depending on who you speak to. Every year approximately $2 million is raised in donations from the 920+ members. $25,000 is collected in cash from the plate passed around on sundays. No one outside of the Board of Trustees knows where this money is spent. As you will see below, in the 2004 budget (see p. 10) that I was given during the congregational meeting in January, 2005, there is a listing of a payment of $169,224 for the repair {{installation?}} of two toilets for the nursery school {{browse the link. See also p. 2 of the budget}}. This amount seemed odd, so I and a colleague went to the New York City Department of Buildings and copied all the work permits for all the repairs made to the church building from 1999-2005. We found the invoice for the two toilets, which were repaired by Prudon & Partners for $90,000. Well, if the congregation was spending $169,224 on a toilet, and the company that did the work was paid only $90,000, where did the missing almost $80,000 go? Prudon misspelled the name of the Day School, as well.
{{Then our author here gets to looking things up and connecting the dots.}}
Vornado Realty Trust is the landlord of Bloomberg LLP, and is connected to the construction Company Taylor Ball, whose subsidiary, Ladco Development Inc., is located in West Des Moines Iowa, home to Guide One Insurance Company. Have you ever heard the saying "You can't fight City Hall"? Well, fighting Vornado Realty Trust is like fighting 100 City Halls.
It is my opinion that as Michael Bloomberg is well aware of the money that flows through the mega-rich real estate companies/Trusts in New York City, and as he does nothing to stop the racketeering, he not only condones it, but is enriched by the spoils (financing expensive real estate deals).
I tried to find out. I called the accountant who did the budget, Sandy Davies of O'Connor Davies, and was told that Mr. Davies never saw any receipts for any job. Then I called the Presbytery of New York City, and spoke with the financial officer, Simon Lai, who is supposed to look at money donated to and spent by presbyterian churches in New York City. He told me that he has never seen any financial information from MAPC in the 7 years he has worked at the Presbytery. As MAPC uses the tax exempt IRS number for the Presbyterian Church, USA General Assembly, I called over there to find out if any records of MAPC were available. There are none. Thus, MAPC is an entity doing business in New York City without any oversight by anyone.

Then, while surfing the internet and in particular ACRIS {{on-line, property deeds I think}}, I found a UCC financing agreement of a co-op belonging to Vornado Realty Trust Executive VP Sandeep Mathrani and his wife, Aiysha which used the church property, (Block 1388, Lot 21), even though Mr. Mathrani and his wife are not members of MAPC (the social security numbers of both Sandeep and his wife were deleted by me before posting the UCC agreement). I called Mr. Mathrani's office, and asked his secretary if I could ask him why he financed his coop using the property of MAPC. She told me that he had never heard of Madison Avenue Presbyterian Church, and hung up. I called back, and asked why he would say that, considering the fact that the Mathrani home is across the street from the Church. Sandeep's secretary asked me to send him all my documents.
The attorney who did the financing deal, Mr. Gregory Moundas, worked for Proskauer Rose when he prepared the UCC agreement. (He was moved to Texas). Proskauer Rose is a lawfirm that some say own the United States court system. The lawyers certainly are the most powerful and politically connected in New York City, as the Chief Administrative Judge of New York State is Judith Kaye, and her husband Steven Rachow Kaye was a partner of Proskauer Rose. Michael Cardozo was a partner as well, before Michael Bloomberg appointed him the Corporation Counsel of the City of New York. I thought it would be reasonable to believe that Judith Kaye knew what her husband's lawfirm was doing, which seemed to be financing real estate properties under the color of "church tax exemptions". Without realizing it, I walked head-on into the 'wrath of Kaye', a place in which anyone who wants justice in the court system of New York State never wants to be. Even though I am not an attorney, I have read the law and written hundreds of motions since March 31, 1998, when the Session of Madison Avenue voted me and my twin sister off of the membership roll of MAPC, the church that I had belonged to since 1961.
{{NOTE: Look up Proskauer Rose, Steven Rachow Kaye and Michael Cardozo. Consider what it must be like to have the Chief Judge of the state of New York married to a partner in such a prominent (global) law firm -- see the firm's site }}
Chuck elaborated on my expulsion from my church at his deposition, as did Dr. Fred Anderson, the Pastor: "We planned to get rid of you as soon as your mother was dead or incapacitated, whichever came first". (Deposition testimony, 2001)
When I was thrown out of the church and Charles Amstein had obtained my mom's ashes, I was worried that he would not allow me to have them back to bury her, because I heard from people in the office at the church that he was "talking" with my mom, in ash form. On July 31, 1998, I called Mr. Amstein and told him I wanted my mom's ashes back, immediately, that day. At 6:30PM I heard that he would not give them back, and there was nothing I could do. I called him every day for the next week, and he finally returned the ashes to me on August 7, with a handwritten note on top of the box that he had "delayed" returning the ashes until he had heard from Jill. I did not find out until 2004 that it was attorney Mr. Kenneth Wasserman who told him to withhold the ashes from me. Mr. Wasserman was on the Ethics Committee of the NYC Bar Association from 2000-2003. How that happened i dont know, but in my opinion you will not find an attorney with as little concern for ethics as Kenneth T. Wasserman....
There is a lot more....

Over billing by about 50% repairs for children's toilets -- embezzling.



More on Jonathan Lippman, for comparison:
Source: ExposeCorruptCourts page

Every U.S. Senator will be greeted this morning with an urgent request to vote against President Obama’s nominee for the national organization The State Justice Institute. The communication, along with various related newspaper articles was sent, via facsimile, to all D.C. and local state offices of all U.S. Senators.September 10, 2012
The United States Senate
Washington, D.C. 20004
RE: Vote on Presidential Nominee Jonathan Lippman for The State Justice InstituteJonathan Lippman’s Involvement in Cover-Up of 9/11 Donation Fraud
Dear Senator,
Please vote against the President’s nomination of Jonathan Lippman to be a member of the Board of Directors of the State Justice Institute. The U.S. Senate’s Executive Calendar for September 10, 2012, lists the pending Privileged Nomination at page 13, Message No. 1692 and 1693 – Jonathan Lippman of New York, to be a Member of the Board of Directors of the State Justice Institute.
I have personal knowledge of Jonathan Lippman, in order to protect political supporters in New York, covering-up a fraud involving over $100,000.00 in stolen 9/11 donation monies, and that further defrauded an insurance company that partially paid out on the loss. To date, those stolen donation monies have NOT been repaid. (Please see the attached New York Times article, “Red Cross Quietly Settles Case of a $120,000 Theft,” by Stephanie Strom (April 28, 2006)
In addition, Jonathan Lippman was implicated in an alleged $40 Million Dollar fraud involving a prominent New Yorker who was on his deathbed. (Please see attached letter to the NY FBI). In fact, these troubling allegations involving Jonathan Lippman were reviewed by White House staffers on April 2, 2012, reportedly while finalizing approval of the President’s nomination. (See the June 12, 2012 story athttp://www.EthicsRouser.blogspot.com, “White House ‘Criminal Leaks’ Explained.”
Jonathan Lippman was politically created by his childhood friend, attorney Sheldon Silver who was, just last week, the target of a court order involving a Special Prosecutor to review criminal allegations of improperly using public funds to cover-up sex harassment charges by and against NYS officials. (Please see attached Village Voice article, “Justice is Blindsided- How Shelly Silver Made His Pal Chief Judge.” Various news articles about Jonathan Lippman’s friend and attorney Sheldon Silver- and the public’s outrage- can be seen at http://www.ExposeCorruptCourts.blogspot.com.
The citizens of the United States deserve an end to corruption and cover-ups, and we all deserve your vote against the nomination of Jonathan Lippman for a position at the State Justice Institute.
CLICK HERE TO SEE THE FULL DOCUMENT WITH ATTACHMENTS
ParentAdvocates.org, another New York-based web site whose mission is “to put tax dollar expenditures and other monies used or spent by our federal, state or city governments before your eyes and in your hands” shares similar concerns  over this nomination saying:
As anyone who lives in New York State and has had any case filed in the Courts knows, Chief Judge Jonathan Lippman runs the show…unfairly, arbitrarily, capriciously, and without concern for due process and Constitutional Rights. He has been sued many times, and the Plaintiffs always get dismissed or give up, because you cant sue Lippman and win. This is the man who has been nominated by our President, Barack Obama, to be a member of the Board of the State Justice Institute. What a huge reckless error that is.



Only as part of my general look-up of Ms. Combier's father (P. Combier Hodges?), I ran across a VERY interesting case, ca. 1963, involving descendants of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. -- and his grandchildren, plus whether adopted children are or are not "Issue" (at least the underlying matter). In short, a granddaughter Ms. McCormick Hubbard, knowing she was diagnosed of incurable cancer (from which she died in 1959), goes about to adopt three or four children (two in Yuba County, California, tried another in Nevada; Connecticut is also involved) -- but possibly in order to defeat a brother's access to some trust. She had no biological issue, hence the trust was divided about three ways to charities, with LINCOLN CENTER (see "John D. Rockefeller Plaza," where it is) wanted its $9+million out of the $10million to distribute. There was a GAL as well, and Lincoln Center wanted to see (or to prohibit consideration of -- read the case) the adoption records.
http://law.justia.com/cases/california/calapp2d/189/741.html
Also about halfway down there are some paragraphs on adoption and a passing reference to the "full faith and credit" clause, plus this phrase that the state stands "Parens Patriae" for all children within its borders:

What then is the status of the adoption decrees in California? They are beyond collateral attack on any question whether of jurisdiction or otherwise. Concededly, Lincoln makes a collateral attack in New York. Adoption proceedings [189 Cal. App. 2d 750] are of statutory nature and our Legislature has established a complete legislative scheme whereunder adoptions may be granted or denied by the courts to which the resolution of all issues has been committed. Proceedings are initiated by the filing of a petition in the superior court of the county of residence of the proposed adoptive parents.The state actively participates in the proceedings, and to all intents and purposes is a party thereto. The statutes require that upon filing the petition notice shall be given to the state, which, of course, stands in the position of parens patriae to all children within its borders. The notice is served upon a state agency, the Department of Social Welfare, which represents the state and which must actively examine into all matters touching the propriety of the proposed adoption, being charged at all times, as is the court also, to keep foremost in consideration the welfare of the child proposed to be adopted.

Again, ‘WHOSE children are they?” even if both birth parents are alive and well? Sounds like, parens patriae, the state. A sobering thought…..keeping in mind that it was Rockefeller and others, probably, who helped set in place the systems which eventually resulted in birth certificates for children….

 

NYCHA Covered Up Alleged Sex Crimes of Nicholas Rodriguez

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Exterior of Jonathan Williams Plaza Community Center in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, where the
 suspect had worked.
 
Nicholas Rodriguez, 64, a former director of an after-school program run by the New York City
Housing Authority, was arrested in 2011 and charged with molesting two girls.
Political corruption becomes a court problem. Too bad no one in elected office believes that
this is a bad way to spend public money.
 
Betsy Combier

NYCHA administrators threatened whistleblower who told of alleged sexual abuse of children: suit  

The whistleblower brought complaints against NYCHA after-school program official Nicholas Rodriguez years before he was arrested for allegedly molesting two girls in a NYCHA program; the whistleblower says she was told to keep quiet

Comments (2)
LINK 
CITY HOUSING AUTHORITY administrators threatened retaliation against a whistleblower and failed to notify police after being told that the director of one of its Brooklyn after-school programs was touching children inappropriately, a new lawsuit charges.

Administrators fielded complaints against Nicholas Rodriguez made by a fellow NYCHA worker who said she witnessed him engage in inappropriate conduct with children between 1998 and 2000 — well before Rodriguez was arrested in 2011 for allegedly molesting two young girls during an after-school program, according to the suit.

 RELATED: NYCHA DROPS $9 MILLION A YEAR ON PRIVATE LAW FIRMS

The suit, filed in Brooklyn Federal Court recently by the mothers of two alleged victims, contends that the employee who reported witnessing perverse behavior on Rodriguez’s part was told by superiors to keep quiet or risk losing her job. The whistleblower, Hope McGuire, told a private investigator, according to a transcript attached to the suit, that she was instructed she had to get “one of the kids to say that this was happening — other than that, I could lose my job for making false accusations.”

“I witnessed it but my word wasn’t good enough,” she said.

RELATED: NYCHA TENANTS WAIT YEARS FOR BASIC REPAIRS

The suit, which seeks $15 million in damages, also charges that NYCHA administrators who were aware of McGuire’s complaint against Rodriguez never reported the allegations to the police or to the agency’s inspector general.

McGuire worked with Rodriguez at the Jonathan Williams Plaza Community Center — a NYCHA-run facility in Williamsburg — from 1998 to 2000. She says she once caught Rodriguez inside a closet with a young girl; saw him whispering in the ear of a 6-year-old girl who was sitting on his lap; and spotted him kneeling in front of and touching the leg of a girl who was seated and had her legs spread open, the suit states.

RELATED: NYCHA TO 100-YEAR-OLD GRANNY: GET OUT!The new lawsuit names NYCHA and Rodriguez as defendants, along with tenant president Beverly Russell and NYCHA borough administrators Mary Stark and Olga Gomez.

RELATED: EX-NYCHA WORKER CHARGED IN MOLEST CASE

A NYCHA representative said the agency “declines comment on pending litigation.”
Dale Frederick, a lawyer for Rodriguez, said: “He denies the allegations, and we look forward to a trial before a jury.”
A mother of one of the alleged victims told the Daily News last year that she became suspicious of Rodriguez after her daughter suddenly asked in 2009 to enroll in a different after-school program. The girl had told her mother that Rodrigueztouched her private parts, leading the mother to contact police, leading eventually to his arrest.
jmarzulli@nydailynews.com

Dennis G. Jacobs in 2007: Judges Protect and Empower Lawyers

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We knew that.

Judge Dennis G. Jacobs


August 27, 2007

With the Bench Cozied Up to the Bar, the Lawyers Can’t Lose

By ADAM LIPTAK, NY TIMES

Dennis G. Jacobs, the chief judge of the federal appeals court in New York, is a candid man, and in a speech last year he admitted that he and his colleagues had “a serious and secret bias.” Perhaps unthinkingly but quite consistently, he said, judges can be counted on to rule in favor of anything that protects and empowers lawyers.

Once you start thinking about it, the examples are everywhere. The lawyer-client privilege is more closely guarded than any other. It is easier to sue for medical malpractice than for legal malpractice. People who try to make a living helping people fill out straightforward forms are punished for the unauthorized practice of law.

But Judge Jacobs’s main point is a deeper one. Judges favor complexity and legalism over efficient solutions, and they have no appreciation for what economists call transaction costs. They are aided in this by lawyers who bill by the hour and like nothing more than tasks that take a lot of time and cost their clients a lot of money.

And there is, of course, the pleasure of power, particularly in cases involving the great issues of the day.

“Judges love these kinds of cases,” said Judge Jacobs, whose speech was published in The Fordham Law Review in May. “Public interest cases afford a judge more sway over public policy, enhance the judicial role, make judges more conspicuous and keep the law clerks happy.”

There are costs here, too, he said, including “the displacement of legislative and executive power” and “the subordination of other disciplines and professions.”

Yet, at the conclusion of a big public-policy case, the bar and bench rejoice. “We smugly congratulate ourselves,” Judge Jacobs said, “on expanding what we are pleased to call the rule of law.”

Benjamin H. Barton, a law professor at the University of Tennessee, examined some of the same issues in an article to be published next year in The Alabama Law Review titled “Do Judges Systematically Favor the Interests of the Legal Profession?”

That question mark notwithstanding, there is little doubt about where Professor Barton comes out.

He noted, for instance, that the legal profession is the only one that is completely self-regulated. “As a general rule,” Professor Barton wrote, “foxes make poor custodians of henhouses.”

Professor Barton explored a long list of examples, including the aftermath of the Supreme Court’s 1966 decision in Miranda v. Arizona. Miranda, as everyone with a television set knows, protected the right to remain silent and the right to a lawyer.

Over the years, though, courts have approved all sorts of police strategies that have eroded the right to remain silent. At the same time, Professor Barton wrote, the courts “chose to retain quite robust protections for accused who clearly expressed a desire for a lawyer.”

“The advantages to the legal profession are clear,” he added. “Whatever else an accused should know, she should know to request a lawyer first and foremost.”

And the cases keep coming.

This month, a New Jersey appeals court basically immunized lawyers from malicious prosecution suits in civil cases. Even lawyers who know their clients are pushing baseless claims solely to harass the other side are in the clear, the court said, unless the lawyers themselves have an improper motive.

Lester Brickman, who teaches legal ethics at Cardozo Law School, said the decision was just one instance of a broad phenomenon.

“The New Jersey courts have determined to protect the legal profession in a way that no other professions enjoy,” Professor Brickman said. “It’s regulation by lawyers for lawyers.”

Other professions look for elegant solutions. It is the rare engineer, software designer or plumber who chooses an elaborate fix when a simple one will do. The legal system, by contrast, insists on years of discovery, motion practice, hearings, trials and appeals that culminate in obscure rulings providing no guidance to the next litigant.

Last month, Judge Jacobs put his views into practice, dissenting from a decision in a tangled lawsuit about something a college newspaper published in 1997. The judges in the majority said important First Amendment principles were at stake, though they acknowledged that the case involved, at most, trivial sums of money.

Judge Jacobs’s dissent started with an unusual and not especially collegial disclaimer. He said he would not engage the arguments in the majority decision because “I have not read it.”

He was, he said, incredulous that “after years of litigation over $2, the majority will impose on a busy judge to conduct a trial on this silly thing, and require a panel of jurors to set aside their more important duties of family and business in order to decide it.”

Writing with the kind of verve and sense of proportion entirely absent in most legal work, Judge Jacobs concluded that “this is not a case that should occupy the mind of a person who has anything consequential to do.”

Ethicsgate Post: New Chairman of Manhattan Attorney "Ethics" Committee is Ernest J. Collazo

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MONDAY, DECEMBER 30, 2013

The post from Ethicsgate on December 30, 2013 was re-posted here, and then I received a DCMA complaint notice from Google. Frank Brady/AKA Kevin McKeon/AKA 1000 other names at work?

I have been asked to edit this. What do I edit out, Mr. Complainer? Your post remains up in its' entirety. I simply re-posted it with the link. Please let me know how I am violating any rights, rules, regulations or laws. I will post your reply here on this blog.

Please let me know .

Betsy Combier
betsy.combier@gmail.com

Here is the notice I received. Please note that none of the post below is original content by me, and therefore I am not the original reporter and will not be threatened.

support@blogger.com
Jan 29 (4 days ago)
to me, blogger-dmca-n.
Blogger has been notified, according to the terms of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA), that certain content in your blog is alleged to infringe upon the copyrights of others. As a result, we have reset the post(s) to \"draft\" status. (If we did not do so, we would be subject to a claim of copyright infringement, regardless of its merits. The URL(s) of the allegedly infringing post(s) may be found at the end of this message.) This means your post - and any images, links or other content - is not gone. You may edit the post to remove the offending content and republish, at which point the post in question will be visible to your readers again.

A bit of background: the DMCA is a United States copyright law that provides guidelines for online service provider liability in case of copyright infringement. If you believe you have the rights to post the content at issue here, you can file a counter-claim. In order to file a counter-claim, please see http://www.google.com/support/bin/request.py?contact_type=lr_counternotice&product=blogger.

The notice that we received, with any personally identifying information removed, will be posted online by a service called Chilling Effects at http://www.chillingeffects.org. We do this in accordance with the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA). You can search for the DMCA notice associated with the removal of your content by going to the Chilling Effects search page athttp://www.chillingeffects.org/search.cgi, and entering in the URL of the blog post that was removed.

If it is brought to our attention that you have republished the post without removing the content/link in question, then we will delete your post and count it as a violation on your account. Repeated violations to our Terms of Service may result in further remedial action taken against your Blogger account including deleting your blog and/or terminating your account. DMCA notices concerning content on your blog may also result in action taken against any associated AdSense accounts. If you have legal questions about this notification, you should retain your own legal counsel.

Sincerely,

The Blogger Team

Affected URLs:

http://newyorkcourtcorruption.blogspot.com/2013/12/new-chairman-of-manhattan-attorney.html
Ernest J. Collazo
Ethicsgate
December 30, 2013
LINK

64-Year-Old Bronx Native Provides Hope for Corruption Clean-Up
Again, hopes spring eternal, and a new chairman of the corrupt attorney "ethics" committee has been named….. more....
Ernest J. Collazo is a respected Columbia Law School graduate (class of 1974), and a managing partner of Collazo Florentino & Keil LLP. Mr. Collazo formally takes over on January 1, 2014 as the head of the disgraced court group charged with ethics oversight of attorneys with offices in The Bronx and Manhattan- the Departmental Disciplinary Committee (the "DDC").

Mr. Collazo has been active with the DDC since 2008, and has been a member of the DDC Policy Committee since 2012. His tenure at the DDC has provided him with first-hand knowledge of how dysfunctional the DDC is, and the urgent need that the first order of business be to remove Jorge Dopico as chief counsel. Mr. Dopico began his tenure with positive action, but quickly succumbed to political pressures and became another soul-less and corrupt hack with predecessors Thomas Cahill and Alan Friedberg.

While some insiders are concerned over Mr. Collazo's ties to the former DDC chairman Roy Reardon, Mr. Collazo has privately expressed his dismay at how ethics investigations by the DDC have been routinely covered-up for connected insiders, and that have tarnished the DDC's credibility for years. Mr. Collazo has confided with associates that he will make the long-overdue changes necessary to restore trueethics back to the ethics oversight committee.

Chairman Collazo had been employed from 1977-1991 at Simpson Thacher & Bartlett, the law firm of Roy Reardon, and the group long-rumored to stall legal ethics accountability at the DDC and at the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals.

It is hopeful that the Mr. Collazo will be guided by another Bronx-born-attorney-turned Presiding-Justice, the Hon. Francis T. Murphy, Jr., who sent armed officers to lock down the offices of the DDC when it was corrupt under his authority. (CLICK HERE TO SEE THE MURPHY REPORT)

CLICK HERE TO SEE ADDITIONAL BACKGROUND,"Governor Cuomo Asked to Shut Down NY's Corrupt Court "Ethics" Committees"

Judicial Watch Announces List of Washington’s “Ten Most Wanted Corrupt Politicians” for 2013

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With the New Year’s celebration, it’s time for Judicial Watch’s annual roster of Washington’s “Ten Most Wanted Corrupt Politicians.”
As Judicial Watch demonstrated in our recent survey, conducted in partnership withBreitbart.com, the American people are very concerned about a federal government that is completely out of control. I’m afraid a review of Washington’s worst offenders won’t allay these concerns.
However, this list, which is widely distributed by the press, serves an important purpose – to educate Americans about the bipartisan problem of corruption in Washington and about Judicial Watch’s critical work in holding corrupt politicians accountable to the rule of law.
And so, without further delay, the 2013 list in alphabetical order includes:
Dishonorable Mentions for 2013 include:

Speaker of the House John Boehner (R-OH):
House Speaker John Boehner has apparently become a master at what Government Accountability Institute President Peter Schweizer calls the “Tollbooth Strategy.” As Schweizer explains in his new book, Extortion: How Politicians Extract Your Money, Buy Votes, and Line Their Own Pockets: “You pay money at a tollbooth in order to use a road or bridge. The methodology in Washington is similar: if someone wants a bill passed, charge them money to allow the bill to move down the legislative highway.”  According to Schweizer, Boehner apparently used theTollbooth Strategy to collect more than $200,000 in political donations from executives just days before holding votes on bills critically important to their industries.
The first bill was the Wireless Tax Fairness Act. Strongly supported by big phone companies like AT&T and Verizon, it sailed through the House Judiciary Committee, and was expected to immediately come to the floor for a full House vote. Instead of scheduling the bill for a vote, however, Boehner allowed it to languish on the calendar for the next three months. What finally prompted Boehner to bring the bill to a vote? As Schweizer explains it: “The day before the vote, Boehner’s campaign collected the toll: thirty-three checks from wireless industry executives, totaling almost $40,000.”
According to Schweizer, two more bills on which Boehner employed the Tollbooth Strategy were the Access to Capital for Job Creators Act and the Small Company Capital Formation Act. Brokers and venture capitalists and investment firms strongly supported the proposed law. Explains Schweizer in Extortion: “The Speaker of the House took in $91,000 in the forty-eight hours of October 30 and 31 from investment banks and private equity firms, two days before the vote.  During the same time period, he took in $46,500 from self-described ‘investors’ and another $32,450 from bank holding companies. With the tolls paid, the votes took place on the full House floor. Both passed easily.”

CIA Director John Brennan:
In mid-December 2013, Judicial Watch obtained and released the full transcript of a May 7, 2012, teleconference between then-White House top counterterror adviser (now CIA Director) John Brennan and various TV terrorism consultants in which Brennen revealed that the U.S. and its allies had “inside control over any plot” in its efforts to thwart a May 2012 terrorism bomb plot, thus blowing the cover on undercover agents within al Qaeda.
The Brennan revelation of “inside control” – an intelligence community euphemism for spies within an enemy operation – reportedly helped lead to the disclosure of a previously well-kept secret at the heart of a joint U.S.-British-Saudi undercover terrorism operation inside Yemen-based al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). According to a Reuters May 18, 2012, report:
The next day’s headlines were filled with news of a U.S. spy planted inside Yemen-based Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), who had acquired the latest, non-metallic model of the underwear bomb and handed it over to U.S. authorities.
At stake was an operation that could not have been more sensitive — the successful penetration by Western spies of AQAP, al Qaeda’s most creative and lethal affiliate. As a result of leaks, the undercover operation had to be shut down.
In the transcript obtained by Judicial Watch, Brennan led the teleconference where he addressed the top terror consultants for ABC, NBC, CNN, and CBS including Caitlin Hayden, Frances Townsend, Richard Clarke, Roger Cressey, and Juan Zarate. In an apparent attempt to soft-peddle the thwarted terrorist attack, Brennan twice exposed the covert operation; first at the outset of the call, then as the conference drew to a close:
BRENNAN: The device itself, as I think the FBI statement said quite clearly, never posed a threat to the American public or the public … Well, as we, well know, Al Qaeda has tried to carry out simultaneous types of attacks, and so we were confident that we had inside control over the – any plot that might have been associated with this device.
CLARKE: If it gets asked. There was no active threat because we had insider control …
BRENNAN: I would not disagree with the way you put that, at all.
It should also be noted that records obtained by Judicial Watch in May 2012, through a Freedom of Information lawsuit, indicate that Brennan helped orchestrate the administration’s attempt to influence the storyline of the movie “Zero Dark Thirty.” A transcript of a July 14, 2011, meeting between Defense Department officials, including Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence Michael Vickers, and filmmakers Kathryn Bigelow and Mark Boal reveals that Boal met directly with White House officials on at least two occasions regarding the film: “I took your guidance and spoke to the WH and had a good meeting with Brennan and McDonough and I plan to follow up with them; and they were forward leaning and interested in sharing their point of view; command and control; so that was great, thank you,” Boal said according to the transcript. During Brennan’s February 2013 CIA confirmation hearings, he confirmed he had met with Boal “on how White House officials viewed the opportunities and risks associated with a film about the raid that killed bin Laden.”
Brennan, of course, was not the only Obama administration official who attempted to curry favor with “Zero Dark Thirty” filmmakers. In early December Judicial Watch released more than 200 pages of documents from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), including a previously unreleased CIA internal report, confirming that former CIA Director Leon Panetta revealed classified information at a June 24, 2011, bin Laden assault awards ceremony attended by filmmaker Mark Boal. Significantly, the entire transcript of the Panetta speech provided to Judicial Watch by the CIA was classified “Top Secret.”  More than 90 lines are redacted for security reasons, further confirming that significant portions of the speech should not have been made in front of the filmmaker who lacked top security clearance.

Senator Saxby Chambliss (R-GA):
Sen. Saxby Chambliss makes the “Ten Worst” list for what he actually did in 2012, but which was finally exposed in 2013. Just as with House Speaker Boehner, Chambliss’s misdeeds were revealed in Peter Schweizer’s book Extortion: How Politicians Extract Your Money, Buy Votes, and Line Their Own Pockets. In fact, Chambliss is highlighted as one of the key abusers who used leadership PAC loopholes to convert campaign cash into lavish lifestyle upgrades for themselves and their family members.
As the New York Times reported:
The book details the extravagant expenses of Senator Saxby Chambliss, Republican of Georgia, for instance, whose leadership PAC spent $10,000 on golf at Pebble Beach, nearly $27,000 at Ruth’s Chris Steakhouse, and $107,752 at the exclusive Breakers resort in Palm Beach, Fla. The amount Mr. Chambliss spent at the Breakers in the 2012 election cycle, the book reports, is three times what the senator gave to the National Republican Senatorial Committee during the same period.
When Chambliss’s campaign was asked about the flagrantly lavish spending, they responded that all spending was reported according to the law. Though it may be legal, it is a clear abuse. And one has to wonder if the hardworking Georgians who sacrificed their scarce funds to support Chambliss’ re-election would be comfortable knowing their campaign contributions were used to support the “lifestyles of the rich and famous.”

Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton:
On January 23, 2013, outgoing Secretary of State Hillary Clinton testified to congressional committees regarding the terrorist attacks on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi, which led to the murder of U.S. Ambassador Chris Stevens and three other American citizens. At times evasive, at other times defensive and aggressive, Clinton delivered her version of events in the days before and after the murders in Benghazi. And, in the end, the Secretary of State pretended to take “responsibility,” but gave a predictable response regarding who is to blame: “…the level of responsibility for the failures…was set at the Assistant Secretary of State level and below,” Clinton said, referring to an investigation of the incident. In other words, this was not my fault.
At one point in her testimony, in what is, perhaps, the epitome of Obama-era contempt for accountability, Clinton yelled “What difference does it make?” in response to a reasonable question about why the attack transpired and why the administration told an obvious lie about an obscure Internet video as the cause of the attack.
If the mere mention of the contrived video scenario triggered Clinton’s emotional outburst, it is certainly understandable. Remember, it was Clinton herself who was instrumental in advancing the false narrative that the video sparked the attacks. For example, at a September 14, 2012, event honoring the victims, Clinton said, “We’ve seen the heavy assault on our post in Benghazi that took the lives of those brave men. We’ve seen the rage and violence directed at American embassies over an awful video that we had nothing to do with.” To this day, she has not set the record straight.
In addition to Hillary Clinton’s apparent cover-up of the role she played in the Benghazi tragedy and its aftermath, she left office in another ethical cloud about conflicts of interest in the activities of her longtime top aide Huma Abedin. Abedin left the State Department in February 2013, and in May 2013, Politico broke the story that, since June 2012, she had been working as a “special government employee” (SGE), a consultant position allowing her to represent outside clients while continuing as a top adviser at State. While working as an SGE, Abedin’s outside clients included Teneo, a strategic consulting firm co-founded by former Bill Clinton counselor Doug Band. According to Fox News, Abedin earned $355,000 as a consultant to Teneo, in addition to her $135,000 SGE compensation.
And compounding the corruption scenario were the potential for conflicts of interest between Hillary Clinton’s role as Secretary of State and Bill Clinton’s international ventures, which grew increasingly controversial in late 2008 when the former president released a list of donors to his library and foundation in what he termed “a deal between” Obama “and Hillary.” According to an Associated Press wire story,   “Saudi Arabia gave $10 million to $25 million to the foundation. Other government donors include Norway, Kuwait, Qatar, Brunei, Oman …”

Attorney General Eric Holder:
Attorney General Holder has become a regular on the Ten Most Wanted Corrupt Politicians list.
In May 2013, Holder may well have committed perjury when he was involved in a back-and-forth with Rep. Hank Johnson (D-GA) about whether the Department of Justice (DOJ) could prosecute reporters under the Espionage Act for publishing classified material. In response to Johnson’s interrogatories Holder made the following statement: “In regard to potential prosecution of the press for the disclosure of material – this is not something I’ve ever been involved in, heard of, or would think would be wise policy.”
Since Holder made that statement, NBC news reported that the attorney general had approved a search warrant for the email account and phone records of Fox News reporter James Rosen.  As Hotair.com said at the time: “There is no other way to view this except as a lie.  Even if Holder wasn’t under oath, that would constitute a felony punishable by up to five years in prison.  It certainly should produce at least a resignation, and almost assuredly would require the appointment of a special prosecutor ….”
Time and again in recent years, Judicial Watch has had to take legal action to prevent Holder’s DOJ from bludgeoning states over taking steps to prevent voter fraud. After a June Supreme Court ruling striking down a Voting Rights Act requirement requiring certain states and local jurisdictions to get permission from the DOJ or a federal judge before enacting voting law changes, Holder announced his intention to skirt the law. In a speech in September at a convention of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, Holder vowed that the DOJ would find ways to try to accomplish the goals of the section of the law that was struck down.
As a result, Judicial Watch went to court in North Carolina in early December to defend the State of North Carolina against a DOJ lawsuit to prevent enforcement of the state’s recently passed law HB 589, which simply requires that voters present a photo ID before casting their ballots. As PJ Media explains it:
Judicial Watch uncovered collusion between radical leftist groups and the administration to attack voter integrity laws around the nation. Indeed, the [Judicial Watch] brief notes:
On July 29, 2013, a group of political activists attended a meeting at the White House with Attorney General Holder, Labor Secretary (and former Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights) Tom Perez, and President Obama. Those attending included representatives from the ACLU, the NAACP, and the Rev. Al Sharpton. Mr. Sharpton told an interviewer for MSNBC that, based on what he heard at that meeting, he expected action regarding North Carolina ‘when this governor signs the bill.’
The DOJ is similarly assaulting Texas in federal court as part of this ideological effort to suppress efforts to protect election integrity.
More than a dozen states—including Kansas, Indiana, Tennessee and Wisconsin—have similar laws that require voters to show government-issued photo identification at the polls, and Obama’s attorney general has launched a campaign to challenge them all.
The Holder DOJ is clearly hostile to the idea of one person, one vote, one time.
Yet, even with all of that, Holder’s malfeasance doesn’t stop there.  In August Judicial Watch released DOJ documents highlighting over $4.2 million in accrued travel expenses by Mr. Holder from March 2008 until August 2012; of which $697,525.20 were personal travel expenses. All, of course, at taxpayer expense. Add to this Holder’s continued stonewalling on the “Fast & Furious” gun-running scandal and it is all too obvious that Eric Holder’s corruption knows no limits.

Former IRS Commissioner Steven T. Miller / Former IRS Official Lois Lerner:
Steve Miller, then head of the IRS, resigned in May 2013, after admitting to the targeting of anti-Obama Tea Party groups during the 2012 presidential election, which he offhandedly tossed off as “horrible customer service.” Under Miller, the IRS purposely stonewalledthe approval of nonprofit applications from “Tea Party” and other conservative groups that were seeking tax exempt status. According to a report by the agency’s inspector general released in May 2013, for more than 18 months beginning in early 2010: “The IRS used inappropriate criteria that identified for review Tea Party and other organizations applying for tax-exempt status based upon their names or policy positions instead of indications of potential political campaign intervention.”
Among the criteria used by IRS officials to flag applications was a “Be On the Look Out” list, or a BOLO, which was discontinued in 2012 according to the report. The criteria on the BOLO included:
  • Whether “Tea Party,” “Patriots” or “9/12 Project” was referenced in the case file.
  • Whether the issues outlined in the application included government spending, government debt or taxes.
  • Whether there was advocating or lobbying to “make America a better place to live.”
  • Whether a statement in the case file criticized how the country is being run.
  • Whether it advocated education about the U.S. Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
Miller was eagerly aided in his suppression of conservative groups by former IRS Director of Exempt Organizations Lois Lerner. Subpoenaed to testify before Congress in May 2013, Lerner disdainfully refused to answer inquiries, demanding full immunity concerning her role in the targeting scandal. Eventually, the IRS acknowledged that while she was in charge, IRS agents improperly targeted Tea Party groups for extra scrutiny when they applied for tax-exempt status from 2010-2012. Lerner retired from the IRS on September 23 with full benefits, even after an internal investigation found she was guilty of “neglect of duties” and was going to call for her firing, according to news reports.
Subsequent to Lerner’s lavish retirement, Judicial Watch, in October 2013, obtained email exchanges between her and enforcement attorneys at the Federal Election Commission (FEC) indicating that under Lerner’s direction, the IRS provided detailed, confidential information concerning the tax exempt application status and returns of conservative groups to the FEC – in violation of federal law.
Not only did Miller and Lerner deliberately target conservative organizations for IRS harassment, they both lied about it in separate appearances before Congress. In July 2012, Miller was asked at a congressional hearing, “What kind of … action is taking place at this time that you are aware of” to address complaints that groups seeking nonprofit status were being harassed. Claiming that an overload of applications had caused the problem, Miller covered up the fact that he had learned two months earlier that conservative groups were being inappropriately singled out for extra scrutiny. In May 2013, Lerner told a congressional committee that she found out about the harassment when she read about it “in the press” in early 2012. But, according to the IG report timeline, she was informed in June 2011 about the IRS’s BOLO criteria that included words such as “Tea Party” or “patriots.”
The true damage wrought by the Miller/Lerner witch-hunt may never be fully known. One can certainly speculate as to impact the Tea Party movement could have made had Miller and Lerner not cowed much of it into silence with their ruthless, reckless assault on Barack Obama’s political opponents. In short, the Obama IRS duo may have perfected the formula for stealing an election in plain sight.

Former DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano:
In August 2013 Department of Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano stepped down from her post expressing both “pride and regret – the regret stemming from her failure to help push through the so-called Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act. The truth is, however, that Napolitano actually played a major role in doing an end run around existing immigration law by helping President Obama implement his Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) directive in lieu of DREAM Act passage.
Documents obtained by Judicial Watch in June 2013 revealed that Napolitano’s Department of Homeland Security (DHS) U.S. Citizenship & Immigration Services (USCIS) abandoned required background checks in 2012, adopting, instead, costly “lean and lite” procedures in effort to keep up with the flood of amnesty applications resulting from the DACA directive.
The documents also revealed that, contrary to Napolitano’s claim that DACA applied only to minors who came to this country illegally “through no fault of their own,” the directive actually created a new avenue of chain migration, whereby immediate relatives of DACA requesters could be approved for amnesty. As a result, according to an agency memo from District 15 Director David Douglas, “some of the districts closer to the U.S./Mexico border have been inundated.”
The Obama/Napolitano stealth amnesty policy received a setback in July 2013 when the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas left DACA hanging by a string as he dismissed a challenge strictly due to jurisdictional issues. While the court determined that it did not have authority to hear the case, Judge Reed O’Connor agreed that program is likely unconstitutional, saying, “[T]he Court finds that Plaintiffs are likely to succeed on the merits of their claim challenging the Directive and Morton Memorandum as contrary to the provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act.”
In an earlier ruling handed down in April, Judge O’Connor stated clearly that, “DHS does not have discretion to refuse to initiate removal proceedings when the requirements of Section 1225(b)(2)(A) are satisfied.” That section requires the agents to place aliens who are not “clearly and beyond a doubt entitled to be admitted” to the United States into removal proceedings.
DHS malfeasance did not stop there. And, in fact, according to a court order filed in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Texas on December 13, DHS has actually enabled cartel trafficking of minors, delivering those minors to illegals living inside the United States and completing criminal transactions for illegal immigrants. The court document details a guilty plea from Mirtha Veronica Nava-Martinez for being paid to smuggle a 10-year-old El Salvadoran female into the United States. Nava-Martinez was hired by Patricia Elizabeth Salmeron Santos, the mother of the 10-year-old, who was living illegally in Virginia after being denied legal entry into the U.S. in 2001. According to U.S. District Judge Andrew Hanen who wrote the court order: “The DHS officials were notified that Salmeron-Santos instigated this illegal conduct. Yet, instead of arresting Salmeron-Santos for instigating the conspiracy to violate our border security laws, the DHS delivers the child to her – thus successfully completing the mission of the criminal conspiracy. It did not arrest her. It did not prosecute her. It did not even initiate deportation proceedings for her. This DHS policy is a dangerous course of action.”
Napolitano’s legacy is one that has gutted, for political reasons, the very immigration laws she swore to uphold.

President Barack Obama:
President Barack Obama actually tops this “Top Ten Most Wanted Corrupt Politicians” list for 2013 as the driving force behind so many of the misdeeds. This is Obama’s seventh straight year on the list, dating back all the way to 2007 (in 2006, he earned a “Dishonorable Mention”). He is a master at catch-me-if-you-can, corrupt politics.  This year, he has again acted as a one-man Congress, rewriting entire sections of federal law on his own.  Not only is his administration secretive and dishonest; its callous disregard for the rule of law undermines our constitutional republic. Examples include:
  • Perhaps Obama’s most outrageous actions over the past year were his continual lies about the ability of Americans to keep their own health insurance under Obamacare. According the Free Beacon, Obama misled the American people a total of 36 times between 2008 and 2013 with his promise, “If you like your health insurance, you can keep it.” And according to NBC News, Obama knew, even as he repeated his lie, that “more than 40 to 67 percent of those in the individual market would not be able to keep their plans, even if they liked them:”
None of this should come as a shock to the Obama administration. The law states that policies in effect as of March 23, 2010 will be “grandfathered,” meaning consumers can keep those policies even though they don’t meet requirements of the new health care law. But the Department of Health and Human Services then wrote regulations that narrowed that provision, by saying that if any part of a policy was significantly changed since that date – the deductible, co-pay, or benefits, for example – the policy would not be grandfathered.
Buried in Obamacare regulations from July 2010 is an estimate that because of normal turnover in the individual insurance market, “40 to 67 percent” of customers will not be able to keep their policy. And because many policies will have been changed since the key date, “the percentage of individual market policies losing grandfather status in a given year exceeds the 40 to 67 percent range.”
That means the administration knew that more than 40 to 67 percent of those in the individual market would not be able to keep their plans, even if they liked them.
  • Throughout 2013, the Obama family continued to use the White House as its own personal travel bureau and the taxpayers as their personal expense account.
  • Though Obama quickly disavowed any knowledge of the IRS assault on Tea Party and other conservative groups leading up to the 2012 presidential election, the fact is that it was the president himself who fingered the groups for what might be called “special handling.” Consider Obama’s own hostile and aggressive statements, made just as his IRS officials were gearing up their assault:
August 9, 2010: During his weekly radio address, Obama warned of “attack ads run by shadowy groups with harmless-sounding names.” The President said:  We don’t know who’s behind these ads and we don’t know who’s paying for them . . . you don’t know if it’s a foreign controlled corporation. … The only people who don’t want to disclose the truth are people with something to hide.”
September 20, 2010:  Speaking in Philadelphia, Obama once again warned that “nobody knows” the identities of the individuals who support conservative groups.
September 22, 2010: Speaking in New York, Obama warned against groups opposing his policies “[posing] as non-for-profit social and welfare trade groups” and he claimed such groups were “guided by seasoned Republican political operatives” and potentially supported by some unidentified “foreign controlled entity.”
October 14, 2010: Obama attacked organizations with “benign sounding” names as “a problem for democracy.”
Little wonder that after their boss sounded the call to attack, Obama’s IRS appointees obeyed the command. And even less wonder that, caught red-handed, Obama first claimed total ignorance and, when the ploy failed, simply labeled it all a “phony scandal.”
  • According to the Galen Institute, Obama has now unilaterally rewritten the Obamacare law as passed by Congress 14 times by executive fiat, with the majority of those changes coming in 2013. Those changes include such major overhauls as the congressional opt-out, eviscerating the individual mandate, and delaying the employer mandate. The latest Obama fix came on December 20, when he suddenly moved to allow hundreds of thousands of people who have lost their insurance due to Obamacare to sign up for bare-bone “catastrophic” plans. As National Review observed, “Of course, like every other exemption from Obamacare the latest fix is supposed to last only a year, raising the prospect that people will be kicked off their catastrophic coverage as soon as the 2014 election is safely in the political rear-view mirror.”

Senator Harry Reid (D-NV):
Last year, Harry Reid made the Judicial Watch Ten Worst list for his influence-peddling scandal involving ENN Energy Group, a Chinese “green energy” company for which Reid “applied his political muscle” – and which just happened to be a major client of the Nevada law firm in which Reid’s son, Rory, is a principal.
This year Reid makes the Ten Worst list again.  His “friends” list is examined by Frontpage.com:
On Monday, Harry Reid’s close friend and donor, Harvey Whittemore was sentenced to two years in prison for funneling more than $130,000 in illegal campaign funds to Sen. Harry Reid’s re-election committee in 2007 …
According to the Las Vegas Review Journal, Reid and Whittemore go way back; four of Reid’s sons were hired by the law firm in which Harvey Whittemore was a senior partner. Sen. Reid and Whittemore were involved in very big land deals, including federal legislation to help the development of Coyote Springs.
None of which is surprising, since Reid has long-since made funneling money to his family’s enterprises his stock-in-trade. According toPeter Schweizer, writing for Fox News, “Sen. Reid has sponsored at least $47 million in earmarks that directly benefitted organizations that one of his sons, Key Reid, [RW1] either lobbies for or is affiliated with.”
While not teaming up with family members to fleece taxpayers, Reid was teaming up with President Obama to use executive authority to skirt the law. Obama and Reid have long opposed a proposed nuclear waste dump in Yucca Mountain, Nevada, which has already cost U.S. taxpayers an astounding $15 billion, according to various federal audits. So, Obama simply instructed the Nuclear Regulatory Commission(NRC) to decline to conduct the statutorily mandated Yucca Mountain licensing process, essentially destroying the project.
In mid-August, a federal appellate court ruled that Obama “is simply flouting the law.” According to the court, “It is no overstatement to say that our constitutional system of separation of powers would be significantly altered if we were to allow executive and independent agencies to disregard federal law in the manner asserted in this case by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.”
Topping off the year, on November 21, 2013, – a day which should live in congressional infamy – Reid gutted the long-standing filibuster rules of the U.S. Senate in order to grease the path for Barack Obama’s court appointees. The new Reid rule prevents the minority party from filibustering any nominations other than nods to the Supreme Court. And to effect the change, Reid first triggered the “nuclear option,” which allows a change to Senate rules by majority vote (and which he had adamantly opposed in 2005, calling it “illegal” and “unAmerican”). Minority Leader Mitch McConnell accused Reid of attempting “break the rules of the Senate … in order to change the rules of the Senate.” Not surprisingly, as the Wall Street Journal editorialized, an ancillary benefit of the rule change is that it will get judges on the DC Court of Appeals who are more friendly to Reid’s agenda.

Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius:
It’s a wonder Secretary Sebelius was still around to do damage in 2013 after last year’s fiasco for which she appeared on the Ten Most Wanted list. The Obama administration’s own lawyers determined Sebelius could be fired for violating federal law when reports surfaced that she had campaigned for Obama while acting in her official capacity as an executive branch official during the last presidential campaign. This made Kathleen Sebelius the first member ever of a president’s cabinet to be found guilty of violating the Hatch Act.
In 2013, rather than solicit votes, Sebelius solicited financial support for President Obama’s huge health care disaster. In May, Secretary Sebelius was caught hitting health care companies up for cash to fund Obamacare after Congress rejected all of the administration’s requests.
But, that was just for openers – because in October Sebelius redefined the term “incompetence” when she oversaw the disastrous launch of the Obamacare website. As Mercedes Schlapp wrote in US News:
She refused to listen to the IT experts who expressed serious concerns about the launch as early as March of 2013. Henry Chao, deputy chief information officer said in a meeting that he was “pretty nervous” about the exchanges being ready for October 1. Prior to the launch, one insurance executive also stated, “the extent of the problems was pretty enormous.”
Yet the American people are forced to settle for mediocrity from their leaders who play political games rather than deliver effective products.
Pressed by Congress to explain the disastrous, costly website rollout, Sebelius rolled her eyes, shrugged her shoulders and caustically replied, “Whatever blithely dismissing the lies and the fraud that have become part and parcel of Obamacare. The fact is, were Sebelius in the private sector, she would probably be prosecuted for fraud.
Dishonorable Mentions

Former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg:
In late December, documents obtained by Judicial Watch revealed that former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg apparently used his top mayoral staff to work on Mayors Against Illegal Guns (MAIG) – of which Bloomberg is a co-founder – at taxpayer expense. Included in the documents were emails revealing that Bloomberg aid John Feinblatt worked closely with MAIG executive Mark Glaze on the following:
  • On December 14, 2013, Glaze and Feinblatt discussed MAIG lobbying efforts in the state of Colorado.
  • On the day following the Sandy Hook tragedy, Glaze and Feinblatt conferred on how they could “”keep the mayor ahead of congress, the white house, the press.”
  • On December 17 and 18 and email exchange makes it clear that Feinblatt was involved in the day-to-day operations of MAIG, including media buys by the organization.
  • On December 19, an email from Glaze to Feinblatt indicates that Feinblatt was directly involved in MAIG finances.

Outgoing Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell (R) / Incoming Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe (D):
The citizens of Virginia got a dubious “twofer” in 2013, as both their outgoing and incoming governors were revealed as having been embroiled in apparently shady dealings, to put it mildly.
In April 2013, outgoing Governor McDonnell became the subject of an FBI probe because of his possible quid-pro-quo dealings with Jonnie R. Williams Sr., the chief executive of Star Scientific, a company that makes a tobacco-derived dietary supplement. Williams allegedly paid $15,000 to cover catering expenses at the June 2011 wedding of McDonnell’s daughter at the time the McDonnell family was actively promoting the supplement. And that’s just the beginning. According to The Washington Post report on the relationship, “Williams’s company donated $28,500 worth of flights to McDonnell’s successful 2009 campaign for governor and $80,000 worth of air travel to his political action committee after the election, the Post reported. Williams also allowed the governor’s family to borrow a Ferrari and stay at a western Virginia vacation home he owns in July 2011.”
In mid-December, federal prosecutors told McDonnell that he and his wife would be charged in connection with the scandal. Senior Justice Department officials delayed the decision, however, reportedly to wait until after McDonnell leaves office.
For his part, incoming Governor Terry McAuliffe is preparing for his inauguration with a Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) investigation hanging over his head. Perhaps Mother Jones magazine best explains the latest McAuliffe scandal:
When McAuliffe in 2009 created GreenTech, a now-troubled electric-car company, he turned to an old pal for assistance in courting foreign investors: Tony Rodham, who is best known as one of Hillary Clinton’s embarrassing brothers. A former repo man, prison guard, and private eye, Rodham by then had a long history of trying to cash in on his famous sister’s connections and generally causing problems for her…
But McAuliffe somehow thought Rodham was just the guy to help him with his electric-car venture. Rodham owns a company that solicits foreign investors for American projects (deals that allow these foreign investors secure US visas). GreenTech relied heavily on foreign investors.
According to The Washington Post: “In May, the SEC subpoenaed documents from GreenTech Automotive and bank records from a sister company, Gulf Coast Funds Management of McLean. The investigation is focused, at least in part, on alleged claims that the company ‘guarantees returns’ to the investors, according to government documents.”

Former Rep. Rick Renzi (R-AZ):
Former three-term Republican Congressman Rick Renzi first made the Judicial Watch Ten Worst list back in 2008, when was indicted by a federal grand jury for conspiracy, extortion, money laundering and wire fraud. At the time, we said, “He allegedly used his influence on a House Natural Resources Committee to orchestrate a land swap with the federal government that financially benefited himself and his associates. The 49-year-old lawmaker, who owns an insurance business, is also charged with embezzling more than $400,000 from insurance clients to fund his congressional campaign.” Well, now we can drop the “allegedly” – because in June, 2013, Renzi was convicted on 17 counts of extortion, racketeering and other federal charges. And in October, he was sentenced to three years in prison.

National Security Adviser Susan Rice:
Last year, Susan Rice shared Ten Worst dishonors with Hillary Clinton for their dual roles in the high-profile campaign to portray the deadly attack on the consulate in Benghazi, Libya, as solely related to a privately produced YouTube video that was offensive to Muslims. On the Sunday following the attack, Rice repeatedly stated on five different network TV news programs that the Benghazi assault had been a spontaneous reaction to an obscure online video mocking Mohammed, rather than a planned terrorist attack.
This year, Rice makes the Ten Worst list all on her own by joining with Barack Obama to add insult to injury by pulling an end-run around the United States Congress. Realizing that after her campaign of deception involving Benghazi, she could not be approved by the Senate for the job of Secretary of State she so clearly coveted, Rice accepted the position of National Security Advisor, which requires no Senate approval. Thus, her duplicity could be rewarded – without the American people having any say whatsoever in the matter.

How The NYPD's Use Of Civil Forfeiture Robs Innocent New Yorkers

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Gerald Bryan points out where police damaged his apartment during a warrantless raid. In the course of the search, $4,800 was confiscated from him through civil forfeiture. (Max Rivlin-Nadler / Gothamist)

In the middle of the night in March of 2012, NYPD officers burst into the Bronx home of Gerald Bryan, ransacking his belongings, tearing out light fixtures, punching through walls, and confiscating $4,800 in cash. Bryan, 42, was taken into custody on suspected felony drug distribution, as the police continued their warrantless search. Over a year later, Bryan's case was dropped. When he went to retrieve his $4,800, he was told it was too late: the money had been deposited into the NYPD's pension fund. Bryan found himself trapped in the NYPD's labyrinthine civil forfeiture procedure, a policy based on a 133-year-old law which robs poor New Yorkers of millions of dollars every year; a law that has been ruled unconstitutional twice.
"They do this all the time, to so many people I know," Bryan, a bartender of 21 years, told us in the office of the Bronx Defenders. Before the raid, he had planned on using the cash to take his girlfriend on a cruise. "A lot of people, when they get arrested, they know that their money is just gone, and they know that the police are taking it to enrich themselves."
Civil forfeiture, the act by which a municipality can seize money during an arrest, has always been a controversial weapon of law enforcement. The practice became more prevalent in the 1980s, when jurisdictions around the country began pursuing cases involving money in both civil and criminal court in an effort to fight organized crime and deprive criminals of their income, even if they couldn't imprison them.
This summer The New Yorker published a sprawling investigation on how cities use the practice to bolster their cash-strapped coffers by seizing the assets of the poor, often on trumped up charges.
The same is true in New York City, where the civil forfeiture process has long been used by the NYPD to seize money from those least likely to be able to get it back.
"It's very difficult for the victims of civil forfeiture, most of whom are from a lower socio-economic class, to do anything in the court system, much less win a civil forfeiture case," said attorney David B. Smith, the nation's leading expert on forfeiture law.
Any arrest in New York City can trigger a civil forfeiture case if money or property is found on or near a defendant, regardless of the reasons surrounding the arrest or its final disposition. In the past ten years, the NYPD has escalated the amount of civil forfeiture actions it pursues as public defense offices have been stretched thin by the huge amount of criminal cases across the city. 
"One of the main problems with civil forfeiture is that you're not assigned a lawyer, it being a civil and not a criminal case," Smith explains. "Most people can't afford lawyers, and that gives the government a tremendous advantage."
NYPD surveillance in Crown Heights (via Flickr user Ken Stein)
When asked about Gerald Bryan's case, a spokesman for the Comptroller's Office said that the NYPD's practice of depositing money confiscated through civil forfeiture into the police pension fund was "illegal." This mischaracterization demonstrates the depth of misunderstanding about the city's civil forfeiture laws.
New York State has regulations that govern forfeiture proceedings for the city’s District Attorneys, and they provide a good amount of protection for citizens against abuse. However, the city's administrative code, which governs the NYPD's seizure of property from arrestees, remains as it was when it was drafted in 1881.
In 1993 and 2000, judges ruled the code unconstitutional, and ordered the city to rewrite the statute to make it comport with the rule of law. Yet there's been almost no legislative attempt to bring the city's administrative code into the modern age, as lawmakers are wary of touching the forfeiture issue, fearful that it will make them look soft on crime.
"1881, think about it! Think how much the world has changed since 1881," said Steven L. Kessler, the former head of the Bronx District Attorney's forfeiture unit. "The NYPD uses confusion about the code to take money from people who didn't do anything. There is a cash incentive for the NYPD to take the money—it goes to their pension, it can even be used to buy equipment, to throw parties. You see a nice car parked outside of a precinct? That's the result of civil forfeiture. Now it's theirs."
Seizing money obtained illicitly is a significant crime-fighting (and funding) mechanism for the NYPD. But according to Kessler's research, in 85% of forfeiture cases pursued by the NYPD, the property owner is never charged with a crime. Despite their innocence, many of these people face an uphill battle against the NYPD to get their money back.
In another case being worked on by the Bronx Defenders, an individual we'll call Morris (his identity is being protected because his civil case is ongoing) was arrested for felony possession of a controlled substance in October of 2012, and had $3,000 seized from him. But the District Attorney's office only ended up charging Morris with disorderly conduct, a violation. The DA declined to pursue Morris' money, but the NYPD had no such reservations.
"What's crazy about this case is that the DA's office made clear through their actions that they didn't think this was a legitimate drug sale and that a waiver of currency was not necessary," Morris' lawyer, Scott Simpson, told us. "To them, the money was legit. But still, the NYPD has his cash."

 
The NYPD does not keep public records of how much money or property it seizes through civil forfeiture, nor does it publicly account for how that money and property is spent or allocated. Based on the sheer volume of cases that the department pursues, experts estimate that the amount the NYPD has taken from New Yorkers over the past decade is well into the millions. 
The NYPD has also refused to show public defenders the exact legal mechanism that allows them to seize their property.
"It is unclear how exactly Mr. Bryan's money ended up being placed in the NYPD Pension Fund," Vichal Kumar, Bryan's public defender, wrote in an email. "One possibility is that there are other internal agreements or memorandums that are not public knowledge that supplement the provisions of the statute and allow for such distributions. Though I would suspect that without further litigation, it may never be known exactly how this occurred."
In June 2013 Bryan finally got a check for $4,800 from the city. However, the money returned to him was not deducted from the police pension fund. It was taken from the city's general fund. Mr. Bryan was paid back in taxpayer money.
"What do they say in Casablanca? I'm shocked, shocked, that the corporation counsel didn't communicate fully with the Comptroller's office. They probably just told them to write a check," Kessler said.
The City's Law Office declined to comment specifically on Bryan's case, but did not deny that the money that had been paid to him came not from the NYPD, but from the general fund.
The NYPD did not respond to questions concerning its use of civil forfeiture. 

"Despite the Federal courts knocking down the city's forfeiture law down time after time, lawmakers just let the NYPD deal with it, and that's been a disaster," Kessler said.
"The answers lie in the [NYPD's] books," Bryan says. "You open that up, and it's going to be a Pandora's Box on just how much the NYPD has illegally taken from New Yorkers."
Contact the editor of this story
Contact the author of this article or email tips@gothamist.com with further questions, comments or tips.

The Center For Public Integrity: Judges Hide Financial Information

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State supreme court judges reveal scant financial information

Investigation reveals conflicts despite limited disclosure

By 

 

 Updated: 

Last December, the California Supreme Court declined to hear an appeal filed by a couple who had accused financial giant Wells Fargo & Co. of predatory lending.
One justice, who owned stock in the bank, recused himself from the case. But Justice Kathryn Werdegar, who owned as much as $1 million of Wells Fargo stock, participated — and shouldn’t have.
Justice Katherine Werdegar
 
The Center for Public Integrity learned of Werdegar’s financial stake thanks to California’s relatively strong financial reporting requirements for justices. But California’s law is an exception.
Forty-two states and the District of Columbia received a failing grade in a Center evaluation of disclosure requirements for high court judges. And not a single state earned an A or a B.
Yet despite the dearth of information, the Center still found 35 examples of questionable gifts, investments overlapping with caseloads as well as other entanglements.
After reviewing three years of personal financial disclosures, the Center found judges who authored opinions favoring companies in which they owned stock. The Center found judges who ruled on cases even when family members were receiving income from one of the parties. And it found judges who accepted lavish gifts — like a $50,000 trip from a lawyer.
The Center also found that enforcement of disclosure rules is spotty. Twelve states, for example, rely on self-policing disciplinary bodies — made up of high-court justices themselves — to enforce the courts’ ethics rules.
Much has been made of the potential corrupting influence of campaign contributions on judicial elections. But little attention has been paid to the personal finances of the 335 judges in the state courts of last resort and how those holdings may influence decisions handed down from the bench.

Key findings:

  • Forty-two states and the District of Columbia received a failing grade in a Center evaluation of disclosure requirements for supreme court judges.
  • Judges in three states — Montana, Utah and Idaho — aren’t required to file any disclosure reports at all.
  • Despite the poor disclosure rules, the Center’s investigation found 35 examples of questionable gifts, investments overlapping with caseloads as well as other entanglements.
  • The Center identified 14 instances in the past three years in which justices participated in cases where they or their spouses owned stock in companies involved in the litigation.
  • Of the 273 supreme court justices required to disclose stock holdings, 107 reported owning stock.
  • Twelve states rely on self-policing disciplinary bodies — made up of high-court justices themselves — to enforce the courts’ ethical rules.

Attorney Frederic Aaron of Plainview New York Cited By SEC For Partnership In a PONZI Sceme

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LINK

U.S. SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION

Litigation Release No. 22901 / January 6, 2014

Securities and Exchange Commission v. Eric Aronson, Vincent Buonauro, Jr., Robert Kondratick, Fredric Aaron, PermaPave Industries, LLC, PermaPave USA Corp., PermaPave Distributions, Inc., Verigreen, LLC, and Interlink-US-Network, Ltd., Defendants, and Caroline Aronson, Deborah Buonauro, DASH Development, LLC, Aron Holdings, Inc., PermaPave Construction Corp., Dymoncrete Industries, LLC, Dymon Rock LI, LLC, and Lumi-Coat, Inc., Relief Defendants, Civil Action No. 11 Civ. 7033 (S.D.N.Y. filed Oct. 6, 2011)

District Court Finds Eric Aronson Liable for Operating a Ponzi Scheme, Issues Permanent Injunctions Against Remaining Individual Defendants and Grants Other Relief

The Securities and Exchange Commission today announced that U.S. District Court Judge Jed S. Rakoff has ruled that Defendant Eric Aronson violated the antifraud and other provisions of the federal securities laws. In addition, the Court entered orders of permanent injunctions against Defendants Vincent Buonauro and Fredric Aaron and further imposed officer and director and penny stock bars against Aaron. Furthermore, the Court ordered Aronson's wife, Relief Defendant Caroline Aronson, to disgorge the ill-gotten gains she received from her husband.
The Commission's Complaint, filed in October 2011, alleged that, from 2006 to 2010, PermaPave Industries and its affiliates raised more than $26 million from the sale of promissory notes and "use of funds" agreements to over 140 investors. Eric Aronson, Vincent Buonauro and others told investors that there was a tremendous demand for the product - permeable paving stones - and that investors would be repaid from the profits generated by guaranteed product sales. In reality, there was little demand for the product, and defendants used investors' money to make "interest" and "profit" payments to earlier investors and to fund management's lavish lifestyles. In addition, shortly after an affiliate of PermaPave Industries acquired a majority stake in Interlink-US-Network, Ltd., Eric Aronson, Fredric Aaron - who was the attorney for Eric Aronson and the entity defendants - and others issued a press release stating that a company that had never heard of Interlink intended to invest $6 million in Interlink.
On August 6, 2013, the Court granted in part the Commission's motion for summary judgment. Finding that the Commission proved an "almost endless fraud" with evidence that Eric Aronson and others raised millions from investors, misappropriated the funds raised, and then converted the investments several times over to delay and ultimately avoid repayment, the Court ruled that Eric Aronson, age 45 and resident of Syosset, New York, violated Sections 5 and 17(a) of the Securities Act of 1933 and Sections 10(b) and 15(a) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 and Rule 10b-5 thereunder. Subsequently, on December 11, 2013, the Court granted the Commission's motion for reconsideration of the Court's summary judgment order and ruled that Eric Aronson also violated Section 20(e) of the Exchange Act by aiding and abetting Interlink's violations of Exchange Act Sections 10(b) and 13(a) and Rules 10b-5, 12b-20 and 13a-11. Relief for these violations will be determined at a later date.
The Court also granted summary judgment on the Commission's claim for disgorgement against Caroline Aronson, age 43 and resident of Syosset, New York. On December 23, 2013, the Court issued a final judgment ordering Caroline Aronson to pay the full disgorgement amount sought, $296,262.
Also on December 23, 2013, the Court issued judgments as to Vincent Buonauro, age 42 and resident of West Islip, New York, and Fredric Aaron, age 49 and resident of Plainview, New York. Vincent Buonauro agreed to consent to the judgment as to him, which enjoins him from violating Securities Act Sections 5 and 17(a) and Exchange Act Sections 10(b) and 15(a) and Rule 10b-5. Fredric Aaron also agreed to consent to the judgment as to him, which enjoins him from violating Exchange Act Section 10(b) and Rule 10b-5 and from aiding and abetting violations of Exchange Act Section 13(a) and Rules 12b-20 and 13a-11. The judgment as to Fredric Aaron also imposes five year officer and director and penny stock bars. The Commission's claims for monetary relief against Vincent Buonauro and Fredric Aaron will be determined at a later date.
The Commission's civil action also continues against Relief Defendant Deborah Buonauro. The Court previously issued final judgments against all entity defendants and entity relief defendants on January 19, 2012 and against Defendant Robert Kondratick on October 17, 2012.
For further information, see Litigation Release Nos. 22117 (Oct. 6, 2011) and22231 (Jan. 23, 2012).
 
http://www.sec.gov/litigation/litreleases/2014/lr22901.htm

Ernest Collazo Takes Over the Departmental Disciplinary Committee (DDC)

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The post from Ethicsgate on December 30, 2013 was re-posted here, and then I received a DCMA complaint notice from Google. Frank Brady/AKA Kevin McKeon/AKA 1000 other names at work?

I have been asked to edit this. What do I edit out, Mr. Complainer? Your post remains up in its' entirety. I simply re-posted it with the link. Please let me know how I am violating any rights, rules, regulations or laws. I will post your reply here on this blog.

Please let me know .

Betsy Combier
betsy.combier@gmail.com

Here is the notice I received. Please note that none of the post below is original content by me, and therefore I am not the original reporter and will not be threatened.

support@blogger.com
Jan 29 (4 days ago)
to meblogger-dmca-n.
Blogger has been notified, according to the terms of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA), that certain content in your blog is alleged to infringe upon the copyrights of others. As a result, we have reset the post(s) to \"draft\" status. (If we did not do so, we would be subject to a claim of copyright infringement, regardless of its merits. The URL(s) of the allegedly infringing post(s) may be found at the end of this message.) This means your post - and any images, links or other content - is not gone. You may edit the post to remove the offending content and republish, at which point the post in question will be visible to your readers again.

A bit of background: the DMCA is a United States copyright law that provides guidelines for online service provider liability in case of copyright infringement. If you believe you have the rights to post the content at issue here, you can file a counter-claim. In order to file a counter-claim, please see http://www.google.com/support/bin/request.py?contact_type=lr_counternotice&product=blogger.

The notice that we received, with any personally identifying information removed, will be posted online by a service called Chilling Effects at http://www.chillingeffects.org. We do this in accordance with the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA). You can search for the DMCA notice associated with the removal of your content by going to the Chilling Effects search page athttp://www.chillingeffects.org/search.cgi, and entering in the URL of the blog post that was removed.

If it is brought to our attention that you have republished the post without removing the content/link in question, then we will delete your post and count it as a violation on your account. Repeated violations to our Terms of Service may result in further remedial action taken against your Blogger account including deleting your blog and/or terminating your account. DMCA notices concerning content on your blog may also result in action taken against any associated AdSense accounts. If you have legal questions about this notification, you should retain your own legal counsel.

Sincerely,

The Blogger Team

Affected URLs:

http://newyorkcourtcorruption.blogspot.com/2013/12/new-chairman-of-manhattan-attorney.html
Ernest J. Collazo
Ethicsgate
December 30, 2013
LINK

64-Year-Old Bronx Native Provides Hope for Corruption Clean-Up
Again, hopes spring eternal, and a new chairman of the corrupt attorney "ethics" committee has been named….. more....
Ernest J. Collazo is a respected Columbia Law School graduate (class of 1974), and a managing partner of Collazo Florentino & Keil LLP. Mr. Collazo formally takes over on January 1, 2014 as the head of the disgraced court group charged with ethics oversight of attorneys with offices in The Bronx and Manhattan- the Departmental Disciplinary Committee (the "DDC").

Mr. Collazo has been active with the DDC since 2008, and has been a member of the DDC Policy Committee since 2012. His tenure at the DDC has provided him with first-hand knowledge of how dysfunctional the DDC is, and the urgent need that the first order of business be to remove Jorge Dopico as chief counsel. Mr. Dopico began his tenure with positive action, but quickly succumbed to political pressures and became another soul-less and corrupt hack with predecessors Thomas Cahill and Alan Friedberg.

While some insiders are concerned over Mr. Collazo's ties to the former DDC chairman Roy Reardon, Mr. Collazo has privately expressed his dismay at how ethics investigations by the DDC have been routinely covered-up for connected insiders, and that have tarnished the DDC's credibility for years. Mr. Collazo has confided with associates that he will make the long-overdue changes necessary to restore trueethics back to the ethics oversight committee.

Chairman Collazo had been employed from 1977-1991 at Simpson Thacher & Bartlett, the law firm of Roy Reardon, and the group long-rumored to stall legal ethics accountability at the DDC and at the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals.

It is hopeful that the Mr. Collazo will be guided by another Bronx-born-attorney-turned Presiding-Justice, the Hon. Francis T. Murphy, Jr., who sent armed officers to lock down the offices of the DDC when it was corrupt under his authority. (CLICK HERE TO SEE THE MURPHY REPORT)

CLICK HERE TO SEE ADDITIONAL BACKGROUND,"Governor Cuomo Asked to Shut Down NY's Corrupt Court "Ethics" Committees"

NY Senator John Sampson is Indicted Again For Lying To The FBI About a Brooklyn Liquor Store

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From Betsy Combier:

Question: Former Senate Judicial Committee Chair John Sampson lying again to the FBI? Who would have thought that this elected official, with the NYS judiciary and Attorney General on speed-dial would be so corrupt?

Answer: everyone in New York State

LINK
Federal prosecutors in Brooklyn announced a new indictment of Sen. John Sampson on Monday. It alleges he lied to the FBI concerning questions about directing members of his Senate staff to take actions to benefit a Brooklyn liquor store in which Sampson secretly held an ownership interest.
Jimmy Vielkind, now of Capital NY, first reported on Sampson’s involvement with the retailer for the TU last May.
He already was facing charges of embezzlement and making false statements to the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
The former leader of the Democratic Conference allegedly stole money to fund a bid to become Brooklyn’s top state prosecutor, then engaged in an elaborate obstruction scheme to hide his illegal conduct, going so far as to counsel lies and the hiding of evidence, according to the announcement.
Here is the indictment:
 
 
Senator John Sampson Indicted Again
Brooklyn State Senator John Sampson, already facing corruption charges, is facing a new set of allegations from federal prosecutors this afternoon involving lying and a local liquor store.
The U.S. Attorney’s office today announced that Mr. Sampson, who once led the Senate Democrats, is accused of “making false statements to FBI agents about directing members of his Senate staff to take actions to benefit a Brooklyn liquor store in which Sampson secretly held an ownership interest.”
According to prosecutors, Mr. Sampson was recorded hiding his stake in an unnamed liquor store in its license application.
“During a series of telephone calls that were captured on the Sampson Wiretap, the defendant … told the Partners that [his] ownership interest should not be disclosed in the Application” today’s indictment reads.
Mr. Sampson was also recorded instructing an anonymous government staffer to help the store deal with outstanding tax obligations. The senator even appeared to be aware of the potential illegalities involved, telling the staffer to “do it on your own cell phone and do it on your own time.”
He is further accused of lying about these incidents and others when speaking to federal agents.
Mr. Sampson is scheduled to be arraigned on the new charge tomorrow in federal court. His lawyer could not immediately be reached for comment on the latest charges.
Mr. Sampson was kicked out of the Democratic conference after the first set of corruption charges. He currently caucuses with no group in the complicated politics that govern the State Senate.
Update (2:28 p.m.): Mr. Sampson’s attorney issued the following statement in response to the new indictment, insisting the lawmaker “has not betrayed the public’s trust while acting as an elected public official.”
“As we stated when the initial indictment was filed, Senator Sampson has been fully cooperative with the government since we were contacted some months prior to the initial indictment. We will respond fully to the charge brought today in the course of the proceedings to follow,” said lawyer Joshua Colangelo-Bryan.
 
“We can, however, state categorically that Senator Sampson has not betrayed the public’s trust while acting as an elected public official. Indeed, after years of investigation and two indictments, the government has not charged Senator Sampson with a crime relating to the misuse of his public office. The new charge in the superseding indictment simply alleges an unrecorded statement to an agent of the FBI, which the government chooses not to believe, with respect to a matter for which the government fails to charge any substantive crime,” he added. “Also, there is no good reason why the single new charge in the superseding indictment was not included in the initial indictment.”
 
“We will have no further comment,” he said.
Additional reporting by Jill Colvin.
 

NYPD Denies Access To FOIL Unit Training Manual

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NYPD rejects request for its freedom of information handbook

Records access officer claims all FOIL training materials fall under attorney-client privilege

FOI Requests:
I have written a number of times about ongoing difficulties with the New York Police Department's FOIL Unit. From rejecting routine requests to claiming "inability to locate" documents even when provided with a form number, NYPD seems hellbent on obstructing access to its records.
But this latest rejection beats all, and flies in the face of Commissioner Bratton's numerous public statements since assuming office that "there should be no secrets in the NYPD."
Last week, NYPD's freedom of information squad determined that its own handbook is exempt from disclosure under FOIL, New York's public records statute.
NYPD FOIL guide rejection letter
In an interesting interpretation of the attorney-client privilege, NYPD claims that it has no obligation to disclose its methods of processing requests for public documents. As I explain in my appeal letter, printed below, this line of reasoning plumbs concerning depths of absurdity.
I very much hope that a competent lawyer who is familiar with NYPD's obligations under FOIL prepared the department's records request manual and training materials. But just because something was prepared or reviewed by an attorney does not mean that an agency can withhold it. If this were true, the vast majority of policy documents prepared by any agency counsel would be immune from disclosure, as would most talking points memos, reports and communiques that endure lawyerly vetting. This is simply not how attorney-client privilege is meant to work.
Of all the divisions that make up NYPD, the Freedom of Information Law Unit ought to be the most transparent. Its policies and protocols are not "confidential communications." Such secretive agencies as the NSA, FBI and the Department of Defense have released their FOIA handbooks and request processing guides with minimal redactions, and even posted them online proactively.
That this latest rejection undercuts Commissioner Bratton's commitment to "do more to open up the organization, to make it more inclusive, to make our information more readily available to the public." That it would come from the public records office speaks to the department's seeming impression that NYPD is above public accountability entirely.


From Shawn Musgrave to New York City Police Department on Feb. 12, 2014:
Jonathan David
Records Access Appeals Officer
New York City Police Department
One Police Plaza - Room 1406
New York, NY 10038-1497


February 12, 2014 


Mr. David:
I am writing to appeal the rejection of 14-PL-0006, in which I requested "Any manual, training reference or other guide by which members of the NYPD FOIL unit are trained on the application of FOIL and processing of FOIL requests."
By the attached rejection letter, Lt. Mantellino of the FOIL unit asserts that NYPD's FOIL manual itself is exempt from release under the attorney-client work privilege, as are the department's FOIL training materials. To put it lightly, Lt. Mantellino's is not the appropriate application or interpretation of the attorney-client work privilege. Just because something was prepared by an NYPD attorney does not mean that it qualifies as an attorney work product and thus exempt from release under FOIL. I would expect that most documents, particularly policy and protocol documents as I have requested, were prepared or at least reviewed by an attorney. Just as having an investigator review a particular document does not make that document exempt as an investigative record, lawyerly involvement does not magically render these documents exempt by virtue of having crossed an attorney's desk.
Rather, it is the content of the requested document that determines whether it is exempt. The attorney-client work privilege is meant to guard frank assessments of law as applicable to sensitive issues, particular incidents and litigation. This exemption does not apply to general documents that outline a department's protocols and policies. Such secretive agencies as the NSA, FBI and the Department of Defense have released their FOIA handbooks and protocol guides with minimal redactions, and even posted them online in full. I would assume (and hope) that teams of attorneys from each agency compiled and scrupulously reviewed these guidebooks, but their records officers would never dream of invoking attorney-client privilege as NYPD has done here.
I would be remiss if I did not highlight the symbolic significance of this particular rejection, especially in the context of so many absurd rejections that have issued from the NYPD FOIL unit over the past year. Out of all NYPD's offices, one might assert that the Freedom of Information team ought to be among the more transparent. This latest rejection belies this assumption even more than previous ones. In past rejections, the FOIL unit has claimed "inability" to locate documents even when I have painstakingly described them down to precise form number. Lt. Mantellino has also invoked exemptions for documents that New York courts ordered releasable in the past two or three years. In this case, NYPD's Records Access Officer has rejected a request for documents about the very process of transparency itself within the department. Rejecting such requests in slapdash fashion does little to inspire confidence in NYPD's competence or good faith in fulfilling its obligations under FOIL.
I would respectfully request an immediate reversal of this rejection and prompt delivery of the requested documents. Please let me know if I can clarify the request in any way.
Best,
Shawn Musgrave
MuckRock

Want to submit a records request to NYPD or any other government agency? Join MuckRock today and stay up-to-date on FOIA news by signing up for our mailing list, or by following us on Twitter and liking us on Facebook.

Mayor Bill Makes A Call To the NYPD, Gets A Friend Set Free and Would Do It Again

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Mayor Bill De Blasio and Reverend Orlando Findlayter
 

de Blasio on pastor arrest: Phone call was ‘absolutely appropriate’

, Feb 13, 2014

Mayor de Blasio on Thursday defended his decision to ring an NYPD boss about a pastor pal’s arrest, saying the controversial call was “absolutely appropriate.”
De Blasio also wouldn’t rule out making similar calls in the future, saying such decisions are “made on a case by case basis.”
“It’s absolutely appropriate if I make an inquiry,” de Blasio told reporters, addressing for the first time the criticism that he’d used his influence to help a political benefactor who’d been instrumental in delivering black votes for the mayor.
De Blasio insisted that the phone call he made to a police spokeswoman on behalf of pastor Orlando Findlayter — who was sprung from jail soon after the call — was merely an above-board request for information.
“A prominent member of the clergy was facing an unusual situation,” he said of Findlayter, who’d been pulled over Monday night in East Flatbush for turning without signaling.
Findlayter was being kept in custody due to his having a suspended license and two open arrest warrants for failing to go to court after an October bust at an immigration protest.
De Blasio appeared impatient and dismissive in turn as he spoke to reporters during a press conference on the snow emergency, held at the Office of Emergency Management in downtown Brooklyn.
The mayor said he had found out about Findlayter’s arrest from an aide, Emma Wolf, and then “made an inquiry’ with NYPD spokeswoman Kim Royster.
He stressed that the decision to release Findlayter came from the precinct commander. “The precinct commander made a professional decision,” based on the fact that the open warrants were only for a civil disobedience arrest, he said.
The precinct moved independently and quickly, the mayor said. “By the time I even got an answer the decision had been made,” he said.
“I thought the police commander handled it well,” he added.
De Blasio also stressed that he did not call Police Commissioner Bill Bratton over the matter.
The mayor’s call on behalf of Findlayter — essentially a pastor without a bricks and mortar church after he fell behind in his rent at his New Hope Christian Fellowship church in East Flatbush — has been widely condemned as a tacit instruction to cops to let his buddy go.

Mayor de Blasio calls a top cop after pal arrested — and then the friend is freed

Mayor de Blasio spokesman Phil Walzak confirmed that the mayor called a top police official early Tuesday morning to find out more about the arrest of Bishop Orlando Findlayter, a member of Mayor de Blasio’s transition team, who was wanted on two outstanding warrants.

 
 LINK
Comments (142)
Updated: Wednesday, February 12, 2014, 11:20 AM
A church pastor with outstanding warrants — and a position on Mayor de Blasio’s inaugural committee — dodged a night in the slammer after Hizzoner made a call to one of the city’s top cops.
Bishop Orlando Findlayter, 50, was released from custody early Tuesday after de Blasio inquired about his status.
RELATED: PASTOR, BISHOP, NUN AMONG 10 ARRESTED AT NYC IMMIGRATION REFORM RALLY

It was not clear how many other prisoners were released without seeing a judge that night, but people with warrants are usually held until the matter is cleared up in court.
Sgt. Ed Mullins, president of the Sergeants Benevolent Association, said the minister should have gone to jail.

RELATED: OBAMA URGES CONGRESS TO COMPLETE WORK ON IMMIGRATION BILL

Bishop Orlando Findlayter is out of jail after his arrest Monday on outstanding warrants
stemming from the clergyman's involvement in an immigration reform protest.


“We don’t let you go. You’re not supposed to let them go. It’s a court order from a judge,” he said. “We can’t circumvent that. This is not a common practice. But I get it. I realize you’re the mayor and you got all kinds of friends.”
Still, cops and de Blasio deny Findlayter got special treatment in this bizarre story that reads like “A Jail of Two Cities.”
RELATED: IMMIGRATION REFORM COULD BE YEARS OFF

Pro-immigration reform activists Bishop Orlando Findlayter and Sister Susan Wilcox are led to a police
van after being arrested in October during a protest outside the ICE Immigration Detention Center.
“Did the mayor call me last night about this particular person and his status?” Deputy Chief Kim Royster told the Daily News. “Yes he did.”
The mayor made the call after members of a local clergy council contacted him and the NYPD after Findlayter’s arrest.
RELATED: TIME TO PRESS GOP ON IMMIGRATION REFORM
Bishop Orlando Findlayter (left) was arrested Monday for outstanding warrants related to his
immigration reform protests in October.
 


The church of Bishop Orlando Findlayler, who was arrested Monday after a traffic stop, leading to
cops discovering two outstanding warrants.
While running a check, police learned Findlayter had an aggravated suspended license due to a lapse in auto insurance, Royster said. Cops took Findlayter to the 67th Precinct stationhouse, where they discovered two outstanding warrants stemming from his Oct. 16 arrest during an immigration protest.
By then, it was too late to take Findlayter to Brooklyn arraignment court before it closed at 1 a.m.
Following de Blasio’s call, Royster spoke with Deputy Inspector Kenneth Lehr, commander of the 67th Precinct. She said Lehr had also been contacted by local clergy. The inspector was already at the stationhouse preparing to give the pastor a desk appearance ticket when she spoke to him, she said. Royster said Lehr told her: “‘Why have a clergyman in the command in jail overnight?’” Lehr, who has worked with Findlayter on community issues, personally released him.
“Did the mayor in any way persuade or say anything to whether or not this person would be arrested or released? Not at all,” Royster said. She added “it’s not unusual” for her to get calls from city officials about individuals taken into custody.
Findlayter, who could not be reached for comment, appeared in court Tuesday and the warrants were vacated, officials said.
With Chelsia Rose Marcius and Kerry Burke


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